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there were perhaps 50 people there

Толкование Перевод

1 perhaps

perhaps [pə'hæps]

adverb

peut-être;

∎ perhaps he's forgotten peut-être qu'il a oublié, il a peut-être oublié;

∎ perhaps not peut-être que non;

∎ there were perhaps 200 people there il y avait peut-être 200 personnes;

∎ perhaps you'd be kind enough to close the door peut-être aurais-tu la gentillesse de fermer la porte;

∎ a glass of something, perhaps? un verre de quelque chose, peut-être?

Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > perhaps
2 perhaps

adverb

(possibly: Perhaps it will rain.) quizás, tal vez

perhaps adv quizá / quizás / tal vez

perhaps

tr[pə'hæps]

adverb

1 quizá, quizás, tal vez, a lo mejor

■ perhaps, perhaps not puede que sí, puede que no

■ perhaps so, perhaps not tal vez sí, tal vez no

■ perhaps they've got lost quizá se hayan perdido

■ perhaps he'll come later a lo mejor viene luego

perhaps [pər'hæps] adv

: tal vez, quizá, quizás

perhaps

adv.

• a lo mejor expr.

• acaso adv.

• puede que adv.

• quizá adv.

• quizás adv.

• tal vez adv.

pər'hæps, pə'hæps
adverb quizá(s), tal vez

perhaps they'll come later — tal vez or quizá(s) vengan más tarde, puede que vengan más tarde, a lo mejor vienen más tarde

are you coming out tonight? - perhaps — ¿vas a salir esta noche? - quizá(s) or tal vez or a lo mejor

[pǝ'hæps]
ADV quizá(s), tal vez
perhaps he'll come — quizá or tal vez venga, a lo mejor viene

"will you be seeing her later?" - "perhaps" — -¿la vas a ver después? -a lo mejor or -tal vez or -puede que sí

perhaps not — puede que no

perhaps so — puede que sí, puede que así sea, quizá sea así

there were perhaps 50 people there — habría quizás unas 50 personas allí, puede que hubiese unas 50 personas allí

* * *
[pər'hæps, pə'hæps]
adverb quizá(s), tal vez

perhaps they'll come later — tal vez or quizá(s) vengan más tarde, puede que vengan más tarde, a lo mejor vienen más tarde

are you coming out tonight? - perhaps — ¿vas a salir esta noche? - quizá(s) or tal vez or a lo mejor

English-spanish dictionary > perhaps
3 some

1. adjective
1) (one or other) [irgend]ein

some fool — irgendein Dummkopf (ugs.)

some day — eines Tages

some shop/book or other — irgendein Laden/Buch

some person or other — irgendjemand; irgendwer

2) (a considerable quantity of) einig...; etlich... (ugs. verstärkend)

speak at some length/wait for some time — ziemlich lang[e] sprechen/warten

some time/weeks/days/years ago — vor einiger Zeit/vor einigen Wochen/Tagen/Jahren

some time soon — bald [einmal]

3) (a small quantity of) ein bisschen

would you like some wine? — möchten Sie [etwas] Wein?

do some shopping/reading — einkaufen/lesen

4) (to a certain extent)

some guide — eine gewisse Orientierungshilfe

that is some proof — das ist [doch] gewissermaßen ein Beweis

5)

this is some war/poem/car! — (coll.) das ist vielleicht ein Krieg/Gedicht/Wagen! (ugs.)

6) (approximately) etwa; ungefähr
2. pronoun
einig...

she only ate some of it — sie hat es nur teilweise aufgegessen

some of her ideas are good — sie hat einige gute Ideen

some of the greatest music — einige der größten Werke der Musik

some say... — manche sagen...

some..., others... — manche..., andere...; die einen..., andere...

... and then some — und noch einige/einiges mehr
3. adverb
(coll.): (in some degree) ein bisschen; etwas

some more — noch ein bisschen

* * *
1. pronoun, adjective
1) (an indefinite amount or number (of): I can see some people walking across the field; You'll need some money if you're going shopping; Some of the ink was spilt on the desk.)

2) ((said with emphasis) a certain, or small, amount or number (of): `Has she any experience of the work?' `Yes, she has some.'; Some people like the idea and some don't.) einige

3) ((said with emphasis) at least one / a few / a bit (of): Surely there are some people who agree with me?; I don't need much rest from work, but I must have some.) einige

4) (certain: He's quite kind in some ways.) gewisse
2. adjective
1) (a large, considerable or impressive (amount or number of): I spent some time trying to convince her; I'll have some problem sorting out these papers!) beachtlich

2) (an unidentified or unnamed (thing, person etc): She was hunting for some book that she's lost.) einige

3) ((used with numbers) about; at a rough estimate: There were some thirty people at the reception.) ungefähr
3. adverb
((American) somewhat; to a certain extent: I think we've progressed some.) etwas

- academic.ru/68805/somebody">somebody
- someday
- somehow
- someone
- something
- sometime
- sometimes
- somewhat
- somewhere
- mean something
- or something
- something like
- something tells me
* * *

some

[sʌm, s^əm]

I. adj inv, attr

1. + pl n (unknown amount) einige, ein paar; + sing n etwas

he played \some records for me er spielte mir ein paar Platten vor

here's \some news you might be interested in ich habe Neuigkeiten, die dich interessieren könnten

there's \some cake in the kitchen es ist noch Kuchen in der Küche

I made \some money running errands ich habe mit Gelegenheitsjobs etwas Geld verdient

I've got to do \some more work ich muss noch etwas arbeiten

2. + pl n (certain) gewisse

\some people actually believed it gewisse Leute haben es tatsächlich geglaubt

there are \some questions you should ask yourself es gibt [da] gewisse Fragen, die du dir stellen solltest

3. (general, unknown) irgendein(e)

clearly the treatment has had \some effect irgendeine Wirkung hat die Behandlung sicher gehabt

there must be \some mistake da muss ein Fehler vorliegen

he's in \some kind of trouble er steckt in irgendwelchen Schwierigkeiten

could you give me \some idea of when you'll finish? können Sie mir ungefähr sagen, wann sie fertig sind?

it must have been \some teacher/pupils das muss irgendein Lehrer/müssen irgendwelche Schüler gewesen sein

\some idiot's locked the door irgend so ein Idiot hat die Tür verschlossen fam

\some day or another irgendwann

4. (noticeable) gewiss

to \some extent bis zu einem gewissen Grad

there's still \some hope es besteht noch eine gewisse Hoffnung

5. (slight, small amount) etwas

there is \some hope that he will get the job es besteht noch etwas Hoffnung, dass er die Stelle bekommt

6. (considerable amount, number) beträchtlich; ( fam: intensifies noun) ziemlich

it was \some years later when they next met sie trafen sich erst viele Jahre später wieder

we discussed the problem at \some length wir diskutierten das Problem ausgiebig

I've known you for \some years now ich kenne dich nun schon seit geraumer Zeit

that took \some courage! das war ziemlich mutig!

he went to \some trouble er gab sich beträchtliche [o ziemliche] Mühe

that was \some argument/meal! das war vielleicht ein Streit/Essen!

7. ( fam: showing annoyance)

\some mother she turned out to be sie ist eine richtige Rabenmutter

\some hotel that turned out to be! das war vielleicht ein Hotel!

\some chance! we have about one chance in a hundred of getting away ( iron) tolle Aussichten! die Chancen stehen eins zu hundert, dass wir davonkommen iron

perhaps there'll be \some left for us — \some hopes! ( iron) vielleicht bleibt was für uns übrig — [das ist] sehr unwahrscheinlich!

II. pron

1. (unspecified number of persons or things) welche

have you got any drawing pins? — if you wait a moment, I'll get you \some haben Sie Reißnägel? — wenn Sie kurz warten, hole ich [Ihnen] welche

do you have children? — if I had \some I wouldn't be here! haben Sie Kinder? — wenn ich welche hätte, wäre ich wohl kaum hier!

2. (unspecified amount of sth) welche(r, s)

if you want whisky I'll give you \some wenn du Whisky möchtest, gebe ich dir welchen

if you need more paper then just take \some wenn du mehr Papier brauchst, nimm es dir einfach [o nimm dir einfach welches]

if you need money, I can lend you \some wenn du Geld brauchst, kann ich dir gerne was [o welches] leihen

3. (at least a small number) einige, manche

surely \some have noticed einige [o manche] haben es aber sicher bemerkt

4. + pl vb (proportionate number) einige, ein paar

no, I don't want all the green beans, \some are enough nein, ich möchte nicht alle grünen Bohnen, ein paar genügen

I've already wrapped \some of the presents ich habe einige [o ein paar] der Geschenke schon eingepackt

\some of you have already met Imran einige von euch kennen Imran bereits

5. (certain people) gewisse Leute

\some just never learn! gewisse Leute lernen es einfach nie!

6. + sing vb (proportionate number) ein bisschen

no, I don't want all the mashed potatoes, \some is enough nein, ich möchte nicht das ganze Püree, ein bisschen genügt

have \some of this champagne, it's very good trink ein wenig Champagner, er ist sehr gut

\some of the prettiest landscape in Germany is found nearby eine der schönsten Landschaften Deutschlands liegt ganz in der Nähe

7.

▶ and then \some ( fam) und [noch] mehr

we got our money's worth and then \some wir bekamen mehr als unser Geld wert war

III. adv inv

1. (roughly) ungefähr, in etwa

\some twenty or thirty metres deep/high ungefähr zwanzig oder dreißig Meter tief/hoch

\some thirty different languages are spoken in this country in diesem Land werden etwa dreißig verschiedene Sprachen gesprochen

2. AM ( fam: a little) etwas, ein bisschen

I'm feeling \some better mir geht es [schon] etwas [o ein bisschen] besser

could you turn the heat down \some? könntest du bitte die Heizung etwas herunterstellen?

3. AM ( fam: a lot) viel

he sure does talk \some, your brother dein Bruder spricht wirklich viel

he needs feeding up \some er muss ganz schön aufgepäppelt werden fam

we were really going \some on the highway wir hatten auf der Autobahn ganz schön was drauf fam

4.

▶ \some few einige, ein paar

▶ \some little ziemlich

we are going to be working together for \some little time yet wir werden noch ziemlich lange zusammenarbeiten müssen

* * *
[sʌm]
1. adj

1) (with plural nouns) einige; (= a few, emph) ein paar; (= any in "if" clauses, questions) meist nicht übersetzt

if you have some questions — wenn Sie Fragen haben

did you bring some records? — hast du Schallplatten mitgebracht?

some records of mine — einige meiner Platten

would you like some more biscuits? — möchten Sie noch (ein paar) Kekse?

take some nuts — nehmen Sie sich (dat)

some few people — einige wenige Leute

some suggestions, please! — Vorschläge bitte!

2) (with singular nouns) etwas, meist nicht übersetzt (= a little, emph) etwas, ein bisschen

there's some ink on your shirt — Sie haben Tinte auf dem Hemd

would you like some cheese? — möchten Sie (etwas) Käse?

some more ( tea)? — noch etwas (Tee)?

leave some cake for me — lass mir ein bisschen or etwas Kuchen übrig

did she give you some money/sugar? — hat sie Ihnen Geld/Zucker gegeben?

have you got some money? — haben Sie Geld?

it was (of) some help —

we played some golf — wir haben ein bisschen Golf gespielt

3) (= certain, in contrast) manche(r, s)

some people say... — manche Leute sagen...

some people just don't care —

there are some things you just don't say some questions were really difficult — es gibt (gewisse or manche) Dinge, die man einfach nicht sagt manche (der) Fragen waren wirklich schwierig

some work is very rewarding — manche Arbeit ist sehr lohnend

some butter is salty — manche Buttersorten sind salzig

in some ways — in gewisser Weise

4) (vague, indeterminate) irgendein

some book/man or other — irgendein Buch/Mann

some woman rang up — da hat eine Frau angerufen

some woman, whose name I forget... — eine Frau, ich habe ihren Namen vergessen,...

some idiot of a driver — irgend so ein Idiot von (einem) Autofahrer

in some way or another —

at some place in Africa — irgendwo in Afrika

or some such — oder so etwas Ähnliches

or some such name — oder so ein ähnlicher Name

(at) some time last week — irgendwann letzte Woche

some time or other — irgendwann einmal

some other time — ein andermal

some day — eines Tages

some day next week — irgendwann nächste Woche

5) (intensifier) ziemlich; (in exclamations) vielleicht ein (inf)

it took some courage — dazu brauchte man schon (einigen) or ziemlichen Mut

(that was) some argument/party! — das war vielleicht ein Streit/eine Party!

that's some whisky — das ist vielleicht ein Whisky! (inf)

it's some size! — das ist vielleicht ein Ding!

this might take some time — das könnte einige Zeit dauern

quite some time — ganz schön lange (inf), ziemlich lange

to speak at some length — ziemlich lange sprechen

it's some distance from the house — es ist ziemlich weit vom Haus entfernt

6) (iro) vielleicht ein (inf)

some experts! — das sind vielleicht Experten! (inf)

some help you are/this is — du bist/das ist mir vielleicht eine Hilfe (inf)

some people! — Leute gibts!

2. pron

1) (= some people) einige; (= certain people) manche; (in "if" clauses, questions) welche

some..., others... — manche..., andere...

some of my friends — einige or manche meiner Freunde

there are still some who will never understand — es gibt immer noch Leute, die das nicht begreifen werden

some of them were late — einige kamen zu spät

2) (referring to plural nouns = a few) einige; (= certain ones) manche; (in "if" clauses, questions) welche

some of these books — einige dieser Bücher

some of them have been sold — einige sind verkauft worden

I've only seen some of the mountains — ich habe nur ein paar von den Bergen gesehen

they're lovely, try some — die schmecken gut, probieren Sie mal

I've still got some —

he took some — er hat welche genommen

tell me if you see some —

would you like some? — möchten Sie welche?

3) (referring to singular nouns = a little) etwas; (= a certain amount, in contrast) manches; (in "if" clauses, questions) welche(r, s)

here is the milk, if you feel thirsty drink some — hier ist die Milch, wenn du Durst hast, trinke etwas

I drank some of the milk —

I drank some of the milk but not all — ich habe etwas von der Milch getrunken, aber nicht alles

have some! — nehmen Sie sich (dat), bedienen Sie sich

it's lovely cake, would you like some? — das ist ein sehr guter Kuchen, möchten Sie welchen?

try some of this cake — probieren Sie doch mal diesen Kuchen

would you like some money/tea? – no, I've got some — möchten Sie Geld/Tee? – nein, ich habe Geld/ich habe noch

have you got money? – no, but he has some — haben Sie Geld? – nein, aber er hat welches

some of it had been eaten — einiges (davon) war gegessen worden

he only believed/read some of it — er hat es nur teilweise geglaubt/gelesen

some of his speech was excellent — manches or einiges in seiner Rede war ausgezeichnet

some of his work is good — manches, was er macht, ist gut

4)

this is some of the oldest rock in the world — dies gehört zum ältesten Gestein der Welt

some of the finest poetry in the English language — einige der schönsten Gedichte in der englischen Sprache

this is some of the finest scenery in Scotland — dies ist eine der schönsten Landschaften Schottlands

3. adv

1) ungefähr, etwa, circa

some 20 people — ungefähr 20 Leute

some few difficulties — einige Schwierigkeiten

2) (US inf) (= a little) etwas, ein bisschen; (= a lot) viel

it sure bothered us some — das hat uns ziemlich zu schaffen gemacht

he's travelling some — er fährt schnell

I really drank some last night — ich habe gestern Abend ganz schön was getrunken (inf)

that's going some — das ist ganz schön schnell (inf)

* * *

some [sʌm; unbetont səm, sm]

A adj

1. (vor Substantiven) (irgend)ein:

some day eines Tages;

some day (or other) irgendwann (einmal) (in der Zukunft);

some day you’ll pay for this dafür wirst du noch einmal bezahlen;

some other time ein andermal;

some person irgendeiner, (irgend)jemand

2. (vor pl) einige, ein paar: → few A 1

3. manche:

some people are optimistic

4. ziemlich (viel)

5. gewiss(er, e, es):

some extent in gewissem Maße, einigermaßen

6. etwas, ein wenig, ein bisschen:

some bread;

take some more nimm noch etwas

7. ungefähr, gegen, etwa:

a village of some 80 houses

8. umg ‚toll:

some player! ein klasse Spieler!;

that was some race! das war vielleicht ein Rennen!

B adv

1. besonders US etwas, ziemlich

2. umg enorm, toll

C pron

1. (irgend)ein(er, e, es):

some of these days dieser Tage, demnächst

2. etwas:

some of it etwas davon;

some of these people einige dieser Leute;

will you have some? möchtest du welche oder davon haben?;

and then some umg und noch einige(s) mehr

3. besonders US sl darüber hinaus, noch mehr

4. some …, some … die einen …, die anderen …

* * *
1. adjective
1) (one or other) [irgend]ein

some fool — irgendein Dummkopf (ugs.)

some day — eines Tages

some shop/book or other — irgendein Laden/Buch

some person or other — irgendjemand; irgendwer

2) (a considerable quantity of) einig...; etlich... (ugs. verstärkend)

speak at some length/wait for some time — ziemlich lang[e] sprechen/warten

some time/weeks/days/years ago — vor einiger Zeit/vor einigen Wochen/Tagen/Jahren

some time soon — bald [einmal]

3) (a small quantity of) ein bisschen

would you like some wine? — möchten Sie [etwas] Wein?

do some shopping/reading — einkaufen/lesen

4) (to a certain extent)

some guide — eine gewisse Orientierungshilfe

that is some proof — das ist [doch] gewissermaßen ein Beweis

5)

this is some war/poem/car! — (coll.) das ist vielleicht ein Krieg/Gedicht/Wagen! (ugs.)

6) (approximately) etwa; ungefähr
2. pronoun
einig...

she only ate some of it — sie hat es nur teilweise aufgegessen

some of her ideas are good — sie hat einige gute Ideen

some of the greatest music — einige der größten Werke der Musik

some say... — manche sagen...

some..., others... — manche..., andere...; die einen..., andere...

... and then some — und noch einige/einiges mehr
3. adverb
(coll.): (in some degree) ein bisschen; etwas

some more — noch ein bisschen

* * *

adj.

einig adj.

irgendein adj.

irgendetwas adj.

manch adj.

English-german dictionary > some
4 speak

1. I
abs

1) the baby is learning to speak ребенок учится говорить; he was too ill to speak он так плохо себя чувствовал, что не мог говорить; did you speak, sir? вы что-то сказали, сэр?; Janes speaking Джоунз у телефона; he left without speaking он ушел, не сказав ни слова; their eyes spoke их взгляды были весьма красноречивы; the cannon spoke заговорили пушки; the portrait speaks портрет как живой

2) he left the meeting without speaking он ушел с собрания, не выступив; since I am speaking... поскольку мне предоставлено слово...
2. II
1) speak in some manner speak well (badly, quickly, slowly, loud, low, softly, harshly, sharply, respectfully, etc.) говорить хорошо и т.д.; generally /broadly/ (objectively, practically, etc.) speaking... вообще и т.д. говоря...; properly speaking по сути дела, собственно говоря; strictly speaking he is right строго говоря, он прав; roughly speaking there were perhaps ten thousand participants там было, грубо говоря, около десяти тысяч участников; to speak plainly, he is a thief попросту говоря, он вор; legally speaking he is right с юридической точки зрения он прав; metaphorically /figuratively/ speaking фигурально выражаясь; actions speak louder than words дела говорят сами за себя || speak at random говорить наугад id so to speak так сказать; you are, so to speak, one of the family вы, так сказать /собственно говоря/, член семья

2) speak at some time the president will now speak сейчас выступит президент
3. III
speak smth.

1) speak English (French, etc.) говорить по-английски и т.д.; speak a foreign language говорить на каком-л. иностранном языке; speak several languages говорить на нескольких языках, владеть несколькими языками; speak fluent (excellent) Italian свободно (прекрасно) говорить по-итальянски: he cannot speak German он не знает немецкого языка, он не говорит по-немецки

2) not to speak a word не произнести ни слова; he couldn't speak these words он не мог выговорить эти слова

3) speak the truth говорить правду; speak one's opinion /one's mind/ высказывать свое мнение; speak one's lines произносить свои реплики; speak nonsense говорить глупости; speak words of praise /smb.'s praises/ хвалить кого-л.; his eyes spoke volumes его взгляд был красноречивее всяких слов; her eyes spoke affection ее глаза светились любовью
4. IV
speak smth. in some manner

1) speak English fluently (well, naturally, etc.) бегло /свободно/ и т.д. говорить по-английски

2) speak one's part well (badly, inaudibly, etc.) хорошо и т.д. проговаривать свою роль

3) speak one's mind bluntly прямо /без обиняков/ высказывать свое мнение
5. XI
1) be spoken not a word was spoken никто не вымолвил и слова; не было сказано ни слова; be spoken in some manner words that are seldom spoken слова, которые редко произносят [вслух]; be spoken of he is much spoken of о нем много говорят; deserve to be well /highly/ spoken of заслуживать, чтобы о тебе хорошо говорили /отзывались/

2) be spoken somewhere is English spoken here? здесь говорят /кто-нибудь разговаривает/ по-английски?
6. XVI
1) speak in smth. speak in a whisper (in a low voice, in public, etc.) говорить шепотом и т.д.; are you good at speaking in public вы умеете выступать перед аудиторией?; speak in some language speak in English (in French, etc.) говорить по-английски /на английском языке/ и т.д.; speak with (without) smth. speak with certainty (with spirit, with great composure, with emphasis, with authority, without reserve, etc.) говорить с уверенностью и т.д.; speak to /with/ smb. speak rudely (kindly, amiably, etc.) to /with/ smb. разговаривать с кем-л. грубо и т.д., who was that man you were speaking with? с кем это вы разговаривали?; speak to oneself разговаривать с самим собой; you will have to speak to all participants вам придется поговорить со всеми участниками; speak to /with/ smb. about /of, on/ smth. speak with /to/ smb. about /of/ various matters (about a particular matter, about the plan, about mutual acquaintances, etc.) (подговорить с кем-л. о разных делах и т.д.; you'll have to speak to the clerk about that вам придется поговорить об этом с клерком; I have not spoken with him yet on the subject я еще не говорил с ним по этому вопросу; speak with smb., for some time speak with her for an hour целый час разговаривать с ней; speak with smth. in smth. speak with tears in one's eyes говорить со слезами на глазах; speak to smth. this picture speaks to the heart картина берет за сердце; speak to the point говорить по существу, не отклоняться от вопроса /темы/; speak of /about/ smth., smb. speak of his work (of his writings, of the old days, about the matter, about his travels, etc.) говорить /рассуждать/ о своей работе и т.д.; speak ill (well) of smth., smb. плохо (хорошо) отзываться о чем-л., ком-л.; speak highly of smb.'s talents (of smb.'s skill, of the doctor, etc.) высоко ценить чьи-л. способности и т.д., быть высокого мнения о чьих-л. талантах и т.д.; how do people speak of me? что обо мне говорят /как обо мне отзываются/ [люди]?; nothing to speak of очень мало; have you had much difficulty? speak Nothing to speak of у вас было много затруднений? speak Почти никаких; this picture is nothing to speak of в этой картине нет ничего особенного, эта картина ничего особенного собой не представляет; have no luggage (no resources, по property, etc.) to speak of иметь очень мало /почти не иметь/ багажа и т.д.; his pinched features (everything in the house, etc.) spoke of want его худое лицо и т.д. свидетельствовало о нужде; her eyes spoke of suffering ее глаза говорили о страданиях; speak for smb., smth. speak for my friend (for myself, for others, etc.) говорить от имени друга и т.д.; speak for yourself! [не говорите за других,] говорите только за себя!; 1 will now let MX speak for himself я теперь предоставлю возможность господину X самому высказаться; the facts speak for themselves факты говорят сами за себя; this discovery speaks for itself это открытие говорит само за себя /не требует комментариев/; speak well for her upbringing (for your courage, etc.) свидетельствовать о ее воспитанности и т.д.; it speaks well for him that he did not accept его отказ говорит в его пользу; speak from smth. speak from experience (from memory, from hearsay, from actual observation, etc.) говорить по опыту /основываясь на опыте/ и т.д.; speak over (through, by, etc.) smth. speak over /by/ the telephone говорить по телефону; speak into the telephone говорить в [телефонную] трубку; speak through the nose говорить в нос, гнусавить; speak through an interpreter разговаривать через переводчика; speak by signs разговаривать жестами /знаками/ || speak under one's breath говорить шепотом

2) speak for (against) smb. speak for the children (for the poor girl, for her neighbours, etc.) заступаться за детей и т.д.; please speak for me to the director пожалуйста, поговорите обо мне с директором; he spoke against me он плохо обо мне отзывался || speak behind smb.'s back говорить за чьей-л. спиной

3) speak for smth. speak for seats beforehand заранее договориться о местах

4) speak (up)on /about/ smth. speak on a matter (on a topic, on this point, upon a subject, etc.) выступать по какому-л. вопросу /на какую-л. тему/ и т.д.; I have heard him speak on drama (about modern art, etc.) я слышал его выступление о драме и т.д.; speak at smth. speak at a meeting (at a large gathering, at a forum, at a conference, etc.) выступать на собрании и т.д.; speak to /before/ smb. speak to a large audience (to students, to recruits, before a company, etc.) выступать перед большой аудиторией и т.д.; speak for some time speak for forty minutes говорить /выступать/ сорок минут; she spoke for only ten minutes ее выступление длилось всего десять минут; speak for (against) smb., smth. he spoke for me он вступился за меня; you mustn't speak against his plan (his nomination, her brother, etc.) вы не должны возражать /выступать/ против его плана и т.д.; speak in smth. speak in smb.'s defence (in smb.'s support, in confirmation of smth., etc.) выступать в чью-л. защиту и т.д. || speak on smb.'s behalf выступать в чью-л. защиту; speak on /in/ smb.'s behalf говорить от чьего-л. имени /от имени кого-л./
7. XIX1
speak like smth. speak like a book говорить как по писаному; the artist made his violin speak like the voice of a man музыкант заставил свою скрипку звучать подобно человеческому голосу
8. XX1
speak as smb. speak as a friend (as a member of the Committee, etc.) говорить как друг и т.д.
9. XXI1
speak some language with smb. speak English with these people говорить с этими людьми по-английски; speak some language for some time I haven't spoken Spanish for years я уже много лет не говорю по-испански
10. XXV
speak when... (speak as if...) they speak when they meet они беседуют, когда встречаются; he spoke as if he were angry он говорил как-то зло

English-Russian dictionary of verb phrases > speak
5 maybe

'meibi:
adverb

(it is possible (that); perhaps: Maybe he'll come, and maybe he won't.) quizá, tal vez

maybe adv quizá / quizás / tal vez

Otra palabra que quiere decir lo mismo es perhaps

maybe

tr['meɪbiː]

adverb

1 quizá, quizás, tal vez

■ maybe it'll rain tal vez llueva

■ maybe you're right quizás tengas razón, a lo mejor tienes razón

■ maybe we could have lunch sometime quizá podríamos comer juntos algún día

maybe ['meɪbi] adv

perhaps: quizás, tal vez

maybe

adv.

• acaso adv.

• quizá adv.

• quizás adv.

• tal vez adv.

'meɪbiː
adverb quizá(s), tal vez, a lo mejor

maybe I'll come later — quizá(s) or tal vez venga luego, a lo mejor vengo luego

['meɪbiː]
ADV a lo mejor, quizá(s), tal vez
maybe he'll come tomorrow — a lo mejor viene mañana, puede que or quizá(s) or tal vez venga mañana

maybe I should grow a moustache — a lo mejor debería dejarme bigote

there were maybe ten people in the room — habría unas diez personas en la habitación

maybe, maybe not — puede que sí, puede que no, a lo mejor sí, a lo mejor no

* * *
['meɪbiː]
adverb quizá(s), tal vez, a lo mejor

maybe I'll come later — quizá(s) or tal vez venga luego, a lo mejor vengo luego

English-spanish dictionary > maybe
6 tal

tal adjetivo 1 ( dicho) such;
◊ en tales casos in such cases;
nunca dije tal cosa I never said anything of the kind o such a thing 2 ( seguido de consecuencia):
◊ se llevó tal disgusto que … she was so upset (that) …;
había tal cantidad de gente que … there were so many people that … 3 ( con valor indeterminado) such-and-such;
◊ tal día, en tal lugar such-and-such a day, at such-and-such a place;
llamó un tal Méndez a Mr Méndez phoned ■ pronombre:
◊ eres un adulto, compórtate como tal you're an adult, behave like one;
que si tal y que si cual and so on and so forth; son tal para cual they're as bad as each other ■ adverbio 1 (fam) ( en preguntas):
◊ hola ¿qué tal? hello, how are you?;
¿qué tal es Marisa? what's Marisa like?; ¿qué tal lo pasaron? how did it go? 2 ( en locs)
◊ con tal de: hace cualquier cosa con tal de llamar la atención he'll do anything to get attention;
con tal de no tener que volver as long as I don't have to come back; tal (y) como: tal (y) como están las cosas the way things are; hazlo tal (y) como te indicó do it exactly as she told you; tal cual: lo dejé todo tal cual I left everything exactly as it was; tal vez maybe
tal
I adjetivo
1 (dicho, semejante) such: no dije tal cosa, I never said such a thing o anything of the kind
tales mariposas son corrientes aquí, butterflies like that are common here
de tal madre, tal hija, like mother, like daughter
de tal manera, in such a way
en tales condiciones, in such conditions
tal día como hoy, on a day like today (uso enfático) nunca escuché tal algarabía, I never heard such a racket
tenía tal dolor de cabeza..., I had such a headache...
2 (valor indeterminado) such and such
tal día, en tal sitio, such and such a day at such and such a place
ayer te llamó un tal Pedro, someone called Pedro phoned you yesterday
II pron él es el jefe, y como tal es el culpable, he's the boss and, as such, he's to blame
sois tal para cual, you are two of a kind
y tal y cual, and so on
III adv (en expresiones)
1 ¿qué tal?: ¿qué tal tu familia?, how is your family? 2 tal vez, perhaps, maybe ➣ Ver nota en maybe 3 tal cual, just as it is 4 tal como, just as: tal como lo contaba, parecía cierto, the way he explained it, it seemed true (del mismo modo) escríbelo tal y como te lo cuento, write it exactly as I tell you 5 con tal (de) que, so long as, provided ' tal' also found in these entries: Spanish: astilla - bailar - bañera - bien - caso - como - con - cual - fulana - fulano - hombre - manera - padre - palo - rebotar - reventa - según - semejante - soñar - tanta - tanto - tramoya - vez - caer - che - esperar - llegar - pasar - preguntar - prever - punto - qué - regular - resultar - salir - tirar - y English: abroad - arbitration - average - card - certain - chip - colour - come out - do - father - fine - flail - grill - intimidate - like - long - maybe - perhaps - stand - such - such-and-such - suchlike - talk - two - wander - way - a - come - cope - get - keep - kind - length - OK - one - regardless - shame - status - tell - thing

English-spanish dictionary > tal
7 Computers

   1) A Comparison of the Digital Computer and the Brain

   The brain has been compared to a digital computer because the neuron, like a switch or valve, either does or does not complete a circuit. But at that point the similarity ends. The switch in the digital computer is constant in its effect, and its effect is large in proportion to the total output of the machine. The effect produced by the neuron varies with its recovery from [the] refractory phase and with its metabolic state. The number of neurons involved in any action runs into millions so that the inﬂuence of any one is negligible.... Any cell in the system can be dispensed with.... The brain is an analogical machine, not digital. Analysis of the integrative activities will probably have to be in statistical terms. (Lashley, quoted in Beach, Hebb, Morgan & Nissen, 1960, p. 539)

   2) Computers Do Not Crunch Numbers, They Manipulate Symbols

   It is essential to realize that a computer is not a mere "number cruncher," or supercalculating arithmetic machine, although this is how computers are commonly regarded by people having no familiarity with artificial intelligence. Computers do not crunch numbers; they manipulate symbols.... Digital computers originally developed with mathematical problems in mind, are in fact general purpose symbol manipulating machines....

   The terms "computer" and "computation" are themselves unfortunate, in view of their misleading arithmetical connotations. The definition of artificial intelligence previously cited-"the study of intelligence as computation"-does not imply that intelligence is really counting. Intelligence may be defined as the ability creatively to manipulate symbols, or process information, given the requirements of the task in hand. (Boden, 1981, pp. 15, 16-17)

   3) Getting Computers to Explain Things to Themselves

   The task is to get computers to explain things to themselves, to ask questions about their experiences so as to cause those explanations to be forthcoming, and to be creative in coming up with explanations that have not been previously available. (Schank, 1986, p. 19)

   4) Some Limits of Artificial Intelligence

   In What Computers Can't Do, written in 1969 (2nd edition, 1972), the main objection to AI was the impossibility of using rules to select only those facts about the real world that were relevant in a given situation. The "Introduction" to the paperback edition of the book, published by Harper & Row in 1979, pointed out further that no one had the slightest idea how to represent the common sense understanding possessed even by a four-year-old. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 102)

   5) The Computer as a Humanizing Inﬂuence

   A popular myth says that the invention of the computer diminishes our sense of ourselves, because it shows that rational thought is not special to human beings, but can be carried on by a mere machine. It is a short stop from there to the conclusion that intelligence is mechanical, which many people find to be an affront to all that is most precious and singular about their humanness.

   In fact, the computer, early in its career, was not an instrument of the philistines, but a humanizing inﬂuence. It helped to revive an idea that had fallen into disrepute: the idea that the mind is real, that it has an inner structure and a complex organization, and can be understood in scientific terms. For some three decades, until the 1940s, American psychology had lain in the grip of the ice age of behaviorism, which was antimental through and through. During these years, extreme behaviorists banished the study of thought from their agenda. Mind and consciousness, thinking, imagining, planning, solving problems, were dismissed as worthless for anything except speculation. Only the external aspects of behavior, the surface manifestations, were grist for the scientist's mill, because only they could be observed and measured....

   It is one of the surprising gifts of the computer in the history of ideas that it played a part in giving back to psychology what it had lost, which was nothing less than the mind itself. In particular, there was a revival of interest in how the mind represents the world internally to itself, by means of knowledge structures such as ideas, symbols, images, and inner narratives, all of which had been consigned to the realm of mysticism. (Campbell, 1989, p. 10)

   6) The Intentionality of Computers Is Essentially Borrowed, Hence Derivative

   [Our artifacts] only have meaning because we give it to them; their intentionality, like that of smoke signals and writing, is essentially borrowed, hence derivative. To put it bluntly: computers themselves don't mean anything by their tokens (any more than books do)-they only mean what we say they do. Genuine understanding, on the other hand, is intentional "in its own right" and not derivatively from something else. (Haugeland, 1981a, pp. 32-33)

   7) The Possibility of Computer Thought

   he debate over the possibility of computer thought will never be won or lost; it will simply cease to be of interest, like the previous debate over man as a clockwork mechanism. (Bolter, 1984, p. 190)

   8) We Are Getting Better at Building Even Better Computers, an Ever- Escalating Upward Spiral

   t takes us a long time to emotionally digest a new idea. The computer is too big a step, and too recently made, for us to quickly recover our balance and gauge its potential. It's an enormous accelerator, perhaps the greatest one since the plow, twelve thousand years ago. As an intelligence amplifier, it speeds up everything-including itself-and it continually improves because its heart is information or, more plainly, ideas. We can no more calculate its consequences than Babbage could have foreseen antibiotics, the Pill, or space stations.

   Further, the effects of those ideas are rapidly compounding, because a computer design is itself just a set of ideas. As we get better at manipulating ideas by building ever better computers, we get better at building even better computers-it's an ever-escalating upward spiral. The early nineteenth century, when the computer's story began, is already so far back that it may as well be the Stone Age. (Rawlins, 1997, p. 19)

   9) Weak Artificial Intelligence and Strong Artificial Intelligence

   According to weak AI, the principle value of the computer in the study of the mind is that it gives us a very powerful tool. For example, it enables us to formulate and test hypotheses in a more rigorous and precise fashion than before. But according to strong AI the computer is not merely a tool in the study of the mind; rather the appropriately programmed computer really is a mind in the sense that computers given the right programs can be literally said to understand and have other cognitive states. And according to strong AI, because the programmed computer has cognitive states, the programs are not mere tools that enable us to test psychological explanations; rather, the programs are themselves the explanations. (Searle, 1981b, p. 353)

    10) Why People Are Smarter Than Computers

   What makes people smarter than machines? They certainly are not quicker or more precise. Yet people are far better at perceiving objects in natural scenes and noting their relations, at understanding language and retrieving contextually appropriate information from memory, at making plans and carrying out contextually appropriate actions, and at a wide range of other natural cognitive tasks. People are also far better at learning to do these things more accurately and ﬂuently through processing experience.

   What is the basis for these differences? One answer, perhaps the classic one we might expect from artificial intelligence, is "software." If we only had the right computer program, the argument goes, we might be able to capture the ﬂuidity and adaptability of human information processing. Certainly this answer is partially correct. There have been great breakthroughs in our understanding of cognition as a result of the development of expressive high-level computer languages and powerful algorithms. However, we do not think that software is the whole story.

   In our view, people are smarter than today's computers because the brain employs a basic computational architecture that is more suited to deal with a central aspect of the natural information processing tasks that people are so good at.... hese tasks generally require the simultaneous consideration of many pieces of information or constraints. Each constraint may be imperfectly specified and ambiguous, yet each can play a potentially decisive role in determining the outcome of processing. (McClelland, Rumelhart & Hinton, 1986, pp. 3-4)

Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Computers
8 Historical Portugal

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal
9 Artificial Intelligence

   1) Programs and the Complexity of Human Mental Processes

   In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)

   2) Artificial Intelligence Is an Engineering Discipline

   Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)

   3) A Sceptical View of Artificial Intelligence

   Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inﬂated predictions....

   When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)

   4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, Eventually

   Just as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)

   5) Problems in Machine Intelligence Arise Because Things Obvious to Any Person Are Not Represented in the Program

   Many problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)

   6) The Meaning of a Symbolic Description

   What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)

   7) The Principle of Artificial Intelligence

   [AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)

   8) Artificial Intelligence Recognizes the Need for Knowledge in Its Systems

   The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)

   9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract Form

   The basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)

    10) There Are Many Types of Reasoning

   There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:

    Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins ﬂy? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can ﬂy, so robins probably can ﬂy."

    Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)

    11) Programs Are Beginning to Do Things That Critics Have Asserted to Be Impossible

   Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)

    12) The Synthesis of Man and Machine

   Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)

    13) The Thesis of Good Old-Fashioned Artificial Intelligence (GOFAI)

   The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)

    14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory Formation

   It is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)

    15) Four Kinds of Artificial Intelligence

   We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.

   ♦ Nonpsychological AI

   Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.

   ♦ Weak Psychological AI

   Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.

   ♦ Strong Psychological AI

... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)

   ♦ Suprapsychological AI

   Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)

    16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular Contexts

   Even if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)

    17) Form and Content Are Not Fundamentally Different

   Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)

    18) The Assumption That the Mind Is a Formal System

   Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)

    19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial Intelligence

   The primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.

   The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)

    20) Mathematical Logic Provides the Basis for Theory in AI

   The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....

   AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)

    21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary Propositions

   In artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)

    22) Definitions of Artificial Intelligence

   Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)

    23) The Computer Can Not Be a Model of the Mind

   Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)

    24) Computers Will Not Always Be Inferior to Human Brains

   The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)

Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence
10 History of volleyball

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William G. Morgan (1870-1942) inventor of the game of volleyball

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William G. Morgan (1870-1942), who was born in the State of New York, has gone down in history as the inventor of the game of volleyball, to which he originally gave the name "Mintonette".

The young Morgan carried out his undergraduate studies at the Springfield College of the YMCA (Young Men's Christian Association) where he met James Naismith who, in 1891, had invented basketball. After graduating, Morgan spent his first year at the Auburn (Maine) YMCA after which, during the summer of 1896, he moved to the YMCA at Holyoke (Massachusetts) where he became Director of Physical Education. In this role he had the opportunity to establish, develop, and direct a vast programme of exercises and sports classes for male adults.

His leadership was enthusiastically accepted, and his classes grew in numbers. He came to realise that he needed a certain type of competitive recreational game in order to vary his programme. Basketball, which sport was beginning to develop, seemed to suit young people, but it was necessary to find a less violent and less intense alternative for the older members.

________________________________________

History Of Volleyball

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In 1995, the sport of Volleyball was 100 years old!

The sport originated in the United States, and is now just achieving the type of popularity in the U.S. that it has received on a global basis, where it ranks behind only soccer among participation sports.

Today there are more than 46 million Americans who play volleyball. There are 800 million players worldwide who play Volleyball at least once a week.

In 1895, William G. Morgan, an instructor at the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) in Holyoke, Mass., decided to blend elements of basketball, baseball, tennis, and handball to create a game for his classes of businessmen which would demand less physical contact than basketball. He created the game of Volleyball (at that time called mintonette). Morgan borrowed the net from tennis, and raised it 6 feet 6 inches above the floor, just above the average man's head.

During a demonstration game, someone remarked to Morgan that the players seemed to be volleying the ball back and forth over the net, and perhaps "volleyball" would be a more descriptive name for the sport.

On July 7, 1896 at Springfield College the first game of "volleyball" was played.

In 1900, a special ball was designed for the sport.

1900 - YMCA spread volleyball to Canada, the Orient, and the Southern Hemisphere.

1905 - YMCA spread volleyball to Cuba

1907 Volleyball was presented at the Playground of America convention as one of the most popular sports

1909 - YMCA spread volleyball to Puerto Rico

1912 - YMCA spread volleyball to Uruguay

1913 - Volleyball competition held in Far Eastern Games

1917 - YMCA spread volleyball to Brazil

In 1916, in the Philippines, an offensive style of passing the ball in a high trajectory to be struck by another player (the set and spike) were introduced. The Filipinos developed the "bomba" or kill, and called the hitter a "bomberino".

1916 - The NCAA was invited by the YMCA to aid in editing the rules and in promoting the sport. Volleyball was added to school and college physical education and intramural programs.

In 1917, the game was changed from 21 to 15 points.

1919 American Expeditionary Forces distributed 16,000 volleyballs to it's troops and allies. This provided a stimulus for the growth of volleyball in foreign lands.

In 1920, three hits per side and back row attack rules were instituted.

In 1922, the first YMCA national championships were held in Brooklyn, NY. 27 teams from 11 states were represented.

In 1928, it became clear that tournaments and rules were needed, the United States Volleyball Association (USVBA, now USA Volleyball) was formed. The first U.S. Open was staged, as the field was open to non-YMCA squads.

1930's Recreational sports programs became an important part of American life

In 1930, the first two-man beach game was played.

In 1934, the approval and recognition of national volleyball referees.

In 1937, at the AAU convention in Boston, action was taken to recognize the U.S. Volleyball Association as the official national governing body in the U.S.

Late 1940s Forearm pass introduced to the game (as a desperation play) Most balls played with overhand pass

1946 A study of recreation in the United States showed that volleyball ranked fifth among team sports being promoted and organized

In 1947, the Federation Internationale De Volley-Ball (FIVB) was founded in Paris.

In 1948, the first two-man beach tournament was held.

In 1949, the first World Championships were held in Prague, Czechoslovakia.

1949 USVBA added a collegiate division, for competitive college teams. For the first ten years collegiate competition was sparse. Teams formed only through the efforts of interested students and instructors. Many teams dissolved when the interested individuals left the college. Competitive teams were scattered, with no collegiate governing bodies providing leadership in the sport.

1951 - Volleyball was played by over 50 million people each year in over 60 countries

1955 - Pan American Games included volleyball

1957 - The International Olympic Committee (IOC) designated volleyball as an Olympic team sport, to be included in the 1964 Olympic Games.

1959 - International University Sports Federation (FISU) held the first University Games in Turin, Italy. Volleyball was one of the eight competitions held.

1960 Seven midwestern institutions formed the Midwest Intercollegiate Volleyball Association (MIVA)

1964Southern California Intercollegiate Volleyball Association (SCVIA) was formed in California

1960's new techniques added to the game included - the soft spike (dink), forearm pass (bump), blocking across the net, and defensive diving and rolling.

In 1964, Volleyball was introduced to the Olympic Games in Tokyo.

The Japanese volleyball used in the 1964 Olympics, consisted of a rubber carcass with leather panelling. A similarly constructed ball is used in most modern competition.

In 1965, the California Beach Volleyball Association (CBVA) was formed.

1968 National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA) made volleyball their fifteenth competitive sport.

1969 The Executive Committee of the NCAA proposed addition of volleyball to its program.

In 1974, the World Championships in Mexico were telecast in Japan.

In 1975, the US National Women's team began a year-round training regime in Pasadena, Texas (moved to Colorado Springs in 1979, Coto de Caza and Fountain Valley, CA in 1980, and San Diego, CA in 1985).

In 1977, the US National Men's team began a year-round training regime in Dayton, Ohio (moved to San Diego, CA in 1981).

In 1983, the Association of Volleyball Professionals (AVP) was formed.

In 1984, the US won their first medals at the Olympics in Los Angeles. The Men won the Gold, and the Women the Silver.

In 1986, the Women's Professional Volleyball Association (WPVA) was formed.

In 1987, the FIVB added a Beach Volleyball World Championship Series.

In 1988, the US Men repeated the Gold in the Olympics in Korea.

In 1989, the FIVB Sports Aid Program was created.

In 1990, the World League was created.

In 1992, the Four Person Pro Beach League was started in the United States.

In 1994, Volleyball World Wide, created.

In 1995, the sport of Volleyball was 100 years old!

In 1996, 2-person beach volleyball was added to the Olympics

There is a good book, "Volleyball Centennial: The First 100 Years", available on the history of the sport.

________________________________________

Copyright (c)Volleyball World Wide

Volleyball World Wide on the Computer Internet/WWW

http://www.Volleyball.ORG/

English-Albanian dictionary > History of volleyball
11 time

time ⇒ Time units, The clock

A n

1 ( continuum) temps m ; time and space le temps et l'espace ; in ou with time, in the course of time avec le temps ; as time goes/went by avec le temps ; at this point in time à l'heure qu'il est ; for all time à jamais ; the biggest drugs haul of all time la plus importante saisie de drogue de tous les temps ;

2 ( specific duration) temps m ; most of the time la plupart du temps ; he was ill for some of the time il a été malade pendant une partie du temps ; she talked (for) some of the time, but most of the time she was silent elle a parlé par moments, mais pendant la plupart du temps elle a gardé le silence ; all the time tout le temps ; I was waiting for you here all the time je t'attendais ici pendant tout ce temps-là ; she was lying all the time elle mentait depuis le début ; you've got all the time in the world, you've got plenty of time tu as tout ton temps ; to find/have/take the time to do trouver/avoir/prendre le temps de faire ; to spend one's time doing passer son temps à faire ; to take one's time prendre son temps ; take your time over it! prends ton temps! ; writing a novel takes time, it takes time to write a novel il faut du temps pour écrire un roman ; do I have (enough) time to go to the shops? est-ce que j'ai le temps d'aller aux magasins? ; half the time he isn't even listening la moitié du temps il n'écoute même pas ; some time before/after quelque temps avant/après ; that's the best film I've seen for a long time c'est le meilleur film que j'aie vu depuis longtemps ; he has been gone for a long time cela fait longtemps or un bon moment qu'il est parti ; it'll be a long time before I go back there! je n'y retournerai pas de sitôt! ; you took a long time!, what a (long) time you've been! tu en a mis du temps! ; we had to wait for a long time nous avons dû attendre longtemps ; I've been living in this country for a long time j'habite dans ce pays depuis longtemps, cela fait longtemps que j'habite dans ce pays ; it takes a long time for the car to start la voiture met du temps à démarrer ; she would regret this for a long time to come elle allait le regretter pendant longtemps ; a long time ago il y a longtemps ; a short time ago il y a peu de temps ; some time ago il y a un moment, il y a quelque temps ; we haven't heard from her for some time ça fait un moment qu'on n'a pas eu de ses nouvelles ; it continued for some (considerable) time ça a continué pendant un bon moment or pendant pas mal de temps ; it won't happen for some time yet ça ne se produira pas de sitôt or avant longtemps ; she did it in half the time it had taken her colleagues elle l'a fait en deux fois moins de temps que ses collègues ; in no time at all, in next to no time en moins de deux ; in five days'/weeks' time dans cinq jours/semaines ; within the agreed time dans les délais convenus ; in your own time ( at your own pace) à ton rythme ; ( outside working hours) en dehors des heures de travail ; on company time pendant les heures de bureau ; my time isn't my own je n'ai plus une minute à moi ; my time is my own je suis maître de mon temps ;

3 (hour of the day, night) heure f ; what time is it?, what's the time? quelle heure est-il? ; she looked at the time elle a regardé l'heure ; the time is 11 o'clock il est 11 heures ; 10 am French time 10 heures, heure française ; tomorrow, at the same time demain, à la même heure ; this time next week la semaine prochaine à la même heure ; this time next year l'année prochaine à la même date or époque ; this time last week/year il y a exactement huit jours/un an ; by this time next week/year d'ici huit jours/un an ; on time à l'heure ; the trains are running on ou to time les trains sont à l'heure ; the bus/train times les horaires mpl or les heures des bus/des trains ; the times of trains to Montreal les heures or les horaires des trains pour Montréal ; it's time to go! c'est l'heure de partir! ; it's time for school/bed c'est l'heure d'aller à l'école/au lit ; it's time for breakfast c'est l'heure du petit déjeuner ; it's time, your time is up c'est l'heure ; it's time we started/left il est temps de commencer/partir ; to lose time [clock] retarder ; that clock keeps good time cette horloge est toujours à l'heure ; about time too! ce n'est pas trop tôt! ; not before time! il était (or il est) grand temps! ; you're just in time for lunch/a drink tu arrives juste à temps pour déjeuner/boire quelque chose ; to arrive in good time arriver en avance ; to be in plenty of time ou in good time for the train être en avance pour prendre le train ; I want to have everything ready in time for Christmas je veux que tout soit prêt à temps pour Noël ; to be behind time avoir du retard ; twenty minutes ahead of time vingt minutes avant l'heure prévue ; six months ahead of time six mois avant la date prévue ;

4 (era, epoch) époque f ; in Victorian/Roman times à l'époque victorienne/romaine ; in Dickens' times du temps de Dickens ; at the time à l'époque ; at that time à cette époque, en ce temps-là ; time was ou there was a time when one could… à une certaine époque on pouvait… ; to be ahead of ou in advance of the times [person, invention] être en avance sur son époque ; to be behind the times être en retard sur son époque ; to keep up ou move with the times être à la page ; times are hard les temps sont durs ; those were difficult times c'étaient des temps difficiles ; in times past, in former times autrefois ; in happier times en un temps plus heureux, à une époque plus heureuse ; it's just like old times c'est comme au bon vieux temps ; in times of war/peace en temps de guerre/paix ; peace in our time la paix de notre vivant ; at my time of life à mon âge ; I've seen a few tragedies in my time j'en ai vu des drames dans ma vie ; she was a beautiful woman in her time c'était une très belle femme dans son temps ; it was before my time ( before my birth) je n'étais pas encore né ; ( before I came here) je n'étais pas encore ici ; if I had my time over again si je pouvais recommencer ma vie ; to die before one's time mourir prématurément ; to be nearing one's time† ( pregnant woman) approcher de son terme ;

5 ( moment) moment m ; at times par moments ; it's a good/bad time to do c'est le bon/mauvais moment pour faire ; the house was empty at the time la maison était vide à ce moment-là ; at the time I didn't notice à ce moment-là je ne l'avais pas remarqué ; at the right time au bon moment ; this is no time for jokes ce n'est pas le moment de plaisanter ; at all times à tout moment ; at any time à n'importe quel moment ; at any time of the day or night à n'importe quelle heure du jour ou de la nuit ; we're expecting him any time now il doit arriver d'un moment à l'autre ; at no time did I agree à aucun moment je n'ai accepté ; come any time you want viens quand tu veux ; the time has come for change/action l'heure est venue de changer/d'agir ; at times like these you need your friends dans ces moments-là on a besoin de ses amis ; by the time I finished the letter the post had gone le temps de finir ma lettre et le courrier était parti ; by the time she had got downstairs he had gone avant qu'elle n'arrive en bas il était déjà parti ; by this time most of them were dead la plupart d'entre eux étaient déjà morts ; some time this week dans la semaine ; some time next month dans le courant du mois prochain ; for the time being pour l'instant, pour le moment ; from that ou this time on à partir de ce moment ; from the time (that) I was 15 depuis l'âge de 15 ans ; there are times when il y a des moments où ; when the time comes le moment venu ; in times of danger dans les moments de danger ; in times of crisis/high inflation dans les périodes de crise/forte inflation ; no more than 12 people at any one time pas plus de 12 personnes à la fois ; until such time as he does the work jusqu'à ce qu'il fasse le travail ; at the same time en même temps ; I can't be in two places at the same time je ne peux pas être partout à la fois ; now's our time to act! c'est maintenant qu'il faut agir! ;

6 ( occasion) fois f ; nine times out of ten neuf fois sur dix ; three times a month trois fois par mois ; hundreds of times des centaines de fois ; the first/last/next time la première/dernière/prochaine fois ; time after time, time and time again maintes fois ; each ou every time that chaque fois que ; some other time perhaps une autre fois peut-être ; three at a time trois à la fois ; there were times when il y avait des fois où ; many's the time when I refused bien des fois j'ai refusé ; she passed her driving test first time round/third time round elle a eu son permis du premier coup/à la troisième fois ; do you remember the time when…? tu te rappelles quand…?, tu te rappelles la fois où…? ; from time to time de temps en temps ; 10 dollars a time 10 dollars le coup ; for months at a time pendant des mois entiers ; (in) between times entre-temps ;

7 ( experience) to have a tough ou hard time doing avoir du mal à faire ; they gave him a rough ou hard ou tough time of it ils lui en ont fait voir (de toutes les couleurs ○) ; he's having a rough ou hard ou tough time il traverse une période difficile ; I'm having a bad time at work en ce moment j'ai des problèmes au travail ; we had a good time on s'est bien amusé ; have a good time! amusez-vous bien! ; to have an easy time (of it) se la couler douce ○ ; the good/bad times les moments heureux/difficiles ; she enjoyed her time in Canada elle a beaucoup aimé son séjour au Canada ; during her time as ambassador pendant qu'elle était ambassadeur ;

8 Admin, Ind ( hourly rate) to work/be paid time travailler/être payé à l'heure ; to be paid time and a half être payé une fois et demie le tarif normal ; on Sundays we get paid double time le dimanche on est payé double ;

9 ( length of period) cooking time temps m de cuisson ; flight/journey time durée du vol/voyage ;

10 Mus mesure f ; to beat ou mark time battre la mesure ; to stay in ou keep time rester en mesure ; to be in/out of time être/ne pas être en mesure ; in waltz/march time sur un rythme de valse/marche ;

11 Sport temps m ; a fast time un bon temps ; in record time en (un) temps record ; to keep time chronométrer ;

12 Math, fig one times two is two une fois deux, deux ; three times four trois fois quatre ; ten times longer/stronger dix fois plus long/plus fort ; eight times as much huit fois autant.

B vtr

1 ( schedule) prévoir [attack] (for pour) ; prévoir, fixer [holiday, visit] (for pour) ; fixer [appointment, meeting] ; the demonstration is timed to coincide with the ceremony l'heure de la manifestation est prévue pour coïncider avec la cérémonie ; we time our trips to fit in with school holidays nous faisons coïncider nos voyages avec les vacances scolaires ; the bomb is timed to go off at midday la bombe est réglée pour exploser à midi ; to be well-/badly-timed être opportun/inopportun ; the announcement was perfectly timed la déclaration est tombée à point nommé ;

2 ( judge) calculer [blow, stroke, shot] ; to time a remark/joke choisir le moment pour faire une remarque/plaisanterie ;

3 (measure speed, duration) chronométrer [athlete, cyclist] ; mesurer la durée de [journey, speech] ; minuter la cuisson de [egg] ; to time sb over 100 metres chronométrer qn sur 100 mètres.

C v refl to time oneself se chronométrer.

Idioms

from time out of mind depuis la nuit des temps ; there is a time and place for everything il y a un temps pour tout ; there's always a first time il y a un début à tout ; there's a first time for everything il y a une première fois pour tout ; he'll tell you in his own good time il te le dira quand il en aura envie ; all in good time chaque chose en son temps ; only time will tell seul l'avenir nous le dira ; to pass the time of day with sb échanger quelques mots avec qn ; I wouldn't give him the time of day je ne lui dirais même pas bonjour ; to have time on one's hands ( for brief period) avoir du temps devant soi ; ( longer) avoir beaucoup de temps libre ; time hung heavy on his hands il trouvait le temps long ; to have a lot of time for sb apprécier beaucoup qn ; I've got a lot of time for people who work with the sick j'admire beaucoup les personnes qui soignent les malades ; I've got no time for pessimists/that sort of attitude je ne supporte pas les pessimistes/ce genre d'attitude ; to do time ○ ( prison) faire de la taule ○ ; to make time with sb ○ US ( chat up) draguer ○ qn ; ( have sex with) s'envoyer ○ qn ; give me France/Lauren Bacall every time! rien ne vaut la France/Lauren Bacall! ; long time no see ○ ! ça fait un bail ○ (qu'on ne s'est pas vu)! ; time please! GB ( in pub) on ferme!

Big English-French dictionary > time
12 Crompton, Samuel

SUBJECT AREA: Textiles

[br]

b. 3 December 1753 Firwood, near Bolton, Lancashire, England

d. 26 June 1827 Bolton, Lancashire, England

[br]

English inventor of the spinning mule.

[br]

Samuel Crompton was the son of a tenant farmer, George, who became the caretaker of the old house Hall-i-th-Wood, near Bolton, where he died in 1759. As a boy, Samuel helped his widowed mother in various tasks at home, including weaving. He liked music and made his own violin, with which he later was to earn some money to pay for tools for building his spinning mule. He was set to work at spinning and so in 1769 became familiar with the spinning jenny designed by James Hargreaves; he soon noticed the poor quality of the yarn produced and its tendency to break. Crompton became so exasperated with the jenny that in 1772 he decided to improve it. After seven years' work, in 1779 he produced his famous spinning "mule". He built the first one entirely by himself, principally from wood. He adapted rollers similar to those already patented by Arkwright for drawing out the cotton rovings, but it seems that he did not know of Arkwright's invention. The rollers were placed at the back of the mule and paid out the fibres to the spindles, which were mounted on a moving carriage that was drawn away from the rollers as the yarn was paid out. The spindles were rotated to put in twist. At the end of the draw, or shortly before, the rollers were stopped but the spindles continued to rotate. This not only twisted the yarn further, but slightly stretched it and so helped to even out any irregularities; it was this feature that gave the mule yarn extra quality. Then, after the spindles had been turned backwards to unwind the yarn from their tips, they were rotated in the spinning direction again and the yarn was wound on as the carriage was pushed up to the rollers.

The mule was a very versatile machine, making it possible to spin almost every type of yarn. In fact, Samuel Crompton was soon producing yarn of a much finer quality than had ever been spun in Bolton, and people attempted to break into Hall-i-th-Wood to see how he produced it. Crompton did not patent his invention, perhaps because it consisted basically of the essential features of the earlier machines of Hargreaves and Arkwright, or perhaps through lack of funds. Under promise of a generous subscription, he disclosed his invention to the spinning industry, but was shabbily treated because most of the promised money was never paid. Crompton's first mule had forty-eight spindles, but it did not long remain in its original form for many people started to make improvements to it. The mule soon became more popular than Arkwright's waterframe because it could spin such fine yarn, which enabled weavers to produce the best muslin cloth, rivalling that woven in India and leading to an enormous expansion in the British cotton-textile industry. Crompton eventually saved enough capital to set up as a manufacturer himself and around 1784 he experimented with an improved carding engine, although he was not successful. In 1800, local manufacturers raised a sum of £500 for him, and eventually in 1812 he received a government grant of £5,000, but this was trifling in relation to the immense financial benefits his invention had conferred on the industry, to say nothing of his expenses. When Crompton was seeking evidence in 1811 to support his claim for financial assistance, he found that there were 4,209,570 mule spindles compared with 155,880 jenny and 310,516 waterframe spindles. He later set up as a bleacher and again as a cotton manufacturer, but only the gift of a small annuity by his friends saved him from dying in total poverty.

[br]

Further Reading

H.C.Cameron, 1951, Samuel Crompton, Inventor of the Spinning Mule, London (a rather discursive biography).

Dobson \& Barlow Ltd, 1927, Samuel Crompton, the Inventor of the Spinning Mule, Bolton.

G.J.French, 1859, The Life and Times of Samuel Crompton, Inventor of the Spinning Machine Called the Mule, London.

The invention of the mule is fully described in H. Gatling, 1970, The Spinning Mule, Newton Abbot; W.English, 1969, The Textile Industry, London; R.L.Hills, 1970, Power in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester.

C.Singer (ed.), 1958, A History of Technology, Vol. IV, Oxford: Clarendon Press (provides a brief account).

RLH

Biographical history of technology > Crompton, Samuel
13 Memory

   1) A Unitary Search Process for All the Phenomena of Memory

   To what extent can we lump together what goes on when you try to recall: (1) your name; (2) how you kick a football; and (3) the present location of your car keys? If we use introspective evidence as a guide, the first seems an immediate automatic response. The second may require constructive internal replay prior to our being able to produce a verbal description. The third... quite likely involves complex operational responses under the control of some general strategy system. Is any unitary search process, with a single set of characteristics and inputoutput relations, likely to cover all these cases? (Reitman, 1970, p. 485)

   2) Semantic Memory Is a Mental Thesaurus

   [Semantic memory] Is a mental thesaurus, organized knowledge a person possesses about words and other verbal symbols, their meanings and referents, about relations among them, and about rules, formulas, and algorithms for the manipulation of these symbols, concepts, and relations. Semantic memory does not register perceptible properties of inputs, but rather cognitive referents of input signals. (Tulving, 1972, p. 386)

   3) The Development of Mnemonic Codes

   The mnemonic code, far from being fixed and unchangeable, is structured and restructured along with general development. Such a restructuring of the code takes place in close dependence on the schemes of intelligence. The clearest indication of this is the observation of different types of memory organisation in accordance with the age level of a child so that a longer interval of retention without any new presentation, far from causing a deterioration of memory, may actually improve it. (Piaget & Inhelder, 1973, p. 36)

   4) The Logic of Some Memory Theorization Is of Dubious Worth in the History of Psychology

   If a cue was effective in memory retrieval, then one could infer it was encoded; if a cue was not effective, then it was not encoded. The logic of this theorization is "heads I win, tails you lose" and is of dubious worth in the history of psychology. We might ask how long scientists will puzzle over questions with no answers. (Solso, 1974, p. 28)

   5) The Constituent Elements of Memory Theory

   We have iconic, echoic, active, working, acoustic, articulatory, primary, secondary, episodic, semantic, short-term, intermediate-term, and longterm memories, and these memories contain tags, traces, images, attributes, markers, concepts, cognitive maps, natural-language mediators, kernel sentences, relational rules, nodes, associations, propositions, higher-order memory units, and features. (Eysenck, 1977, p. 4)

   6) The Problem with the Memory Metaphor

   The problem with the memory metaphor is that storage and retrieval of traces only deals [ sic] with old, previously articulated information. Memory traces can perhaps provide a basis for dealing with the "sameness" of the present experience with previous experiences, but the memory metaphor has no mechanisms for dealing with novel information. (Bransford, McCarrell, Franks & Nitsch, 1977, p. 434)

   7) The Results of a Hundred Years of the Psychological Study of Memory Are Somewhat Discouraging

   The results of a hundred years of the psychological study of memory are somewhat discouraging. We have established firm empirical generalisations, but most of them are so obvious that every ten-year-old knows them anyway. We have made discoveries, but they are only marginally about memory; in many cases we don't know what to do with them, and wear them out with endless experimental variations. We have an intellectually impressive group of theories, but history offers little confidence that they will provide any meaningful insight into natural behavior. (Neisser, 1978, pp. 12-13)

   8) The Structure and Function of a Schema in Memory

   A schema, then is a data structure for representing the generic concepts stored in memory. There are schemata representing our knowledge about all concepts; those underlying objects, situations, events, sequences of events, actions and sequences of actions. A schema contains, as part of its specification, the network of interrelations that is believed to normally hold among the constituents of the concept in question. A schema theory embodies a prototype theory of meaning. That is, inasmuch as a schema underlying a concept stored in memory corresponds to the mean ing of that concept, meanings are encoded in terms of the typical or normal situations or events that instantiate that concept. (Rumelhart, 1980, p. 34)

   9) Competence and Performance in Theories of Memory

   Memory appears to be constrained by a structure, a "syntax," perhaps at quite a low level, but it is free to be variable, deviant, even erratic at a higher level....

   Like the information system of language, memory can be explained in part by the abstract rules which underlie it, but only in part. The rules provide a basic competence, but they do not fully determine performance. (Campbell, 1982, pp. 228, 229)

    10) Metaphors of Memory

   When people think about the mind, they often liken it to a physical space, with memories and ideas as objects contained within that space. Thus, we speak of ideas being in the dark corners or dim recesses of our minds, and of holding ideas in mind. Ideas may be in the front or back of our minds, or they may be difficult to grasp. With respect to the processes involved in memory, we talk about storing memories, of searching or looking for lost memories, and sometimes of finding them. An examination of common parlance, therefore, suggests that there is general adherence to what might be called the spatial metaphor. The basic assumptions of this metaphor are that memories are treated as objects stored in specific locations within the mind, and the retrieval process involves a search through the mind in order to find specific memories....

   However, while the spatial metaphor has shown extraordinary longevity, there have been some interesting changes over time in the precise form of analogy used. In particular, technological advances have inﬂuenced theoretical conceptualisations.... The original Greek analogies were based on wax tablets and aviaries; these were superseded by analogies involving switchboards, gramophones, tape recorders, libraries, conveyor belts, and underground maps. Most recently, the workings of human memory have been compared to computer functioning... and it has been suggested that the various memory stores found in computers have their counterparts in the human memory system. (Eysenck, 1984, pp. 79-80)

    11) Comparison of Primary Memory and Secondary Memory

   Primary memory [as proposed by William James] relates to information that remains in consciousness after it has been perceived, and thus forms part of the psychological present, whereas secondary memory contains information about events that have left consciousness, and are therefore part of the psychological past. (Eysenck, 1984, p. 86)

    12) Semantic Memory and Episodic Memory

   Once psychologists began to study long-term memory per se, they realized it may be divided into two main categories.... Semantic memories have to do with our general knowledge about the working of the world. We know what cars do, what stoves do, what the laws of gravity are, and so on. Episodic memories are largely events that took place at a time and place in our personal history. Remembering specific events about our own actions, about our family, and about our individual past falls into this category. With amnesia or in aging, what dims... is our personal episodic memories, save for those that are especially dear or painful to us. Our knowledge of how the world works remains pretty much intact. (Gazzaniga, 1988, p. 42)

    13) The Relation of Memory to Thinking

   The nature of memory... provides a natural starting point for an analysis of thinking. Memory is the repository of many of the beliefs and representations that enter into thinking, and the retrievability of these representations can limit the quality of our thought. (Smith, 1990, p. 1)

Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Memory
14 Empire, Portuguese overseas

(1415-1975)

   Portugal was the first Western European state to establish an early modern overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean and perhaps the last colonial power to decolonize. A vast subject of complexity that is full of myth as well as debatable theories, the history of the Portuguese overseas empire involves the story of more than one empire, the question of imperial motives, the nature of Portuguese rule, and the results and consequences of empire, including the impact on subject peoples as well as on the mother country and its society, Here, only the briefest account of a few such issues can be attempted.

   There were various empires or phases of empire after the capture of the Moroccan city of Ceuta in 1415. There were at least three Portuguese empires in history: the First empire (1415-1580), the Second empire (1580-1640 and 1640-1822), and the Third empire (1822-1975).

   With regard to the second empire, the so-called Phillipine period (1580-1640), when Portugal's empire was under Spanish domination, could almost be counted as a separate era. During that period, Portugal lost important parts of its Asian holdings to England and also sections of its colonies of Brazil, Angola, and West Africa to Holland's conquests. These various empires could be characterized by the geography of where Lisbon invested its greatest efforts and resources to develop territories and ward off enemies.

   The first empire (1415-1580) had two phases. First came the African coastal phase (1415-97), when the Portuguese sought a foothold in various Moroccan cities but then explored the African coast from Morocco to past the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. While colonization and sugar farming were pursued in the Atlantic islands, as well as in the islands in the Gulf of Guinea like São Tomé and Príncipe, for the most part the Portuguese strategy was to avoid commitments to defending or peopling lands on the African continent. Rather, Lisbon sought a seaborne trade empire, in which the Portuguese could profit from exploiting trade and resources (such as gold) along the coasts and continue exploring southward to seek a sea route to Portuguese India. The second phase of the first empire (1498-1580) began with the discovery of the sea route to Asia, thanks to Vasco da Gama's first voyage in 1497-99, and the capture of strong points, ports, and trading posts in order to enforce a trade monopoly between Asia and Europe. This Asian phase produced the greatest revenues of empire Portugal had garnered, yet ended when Spain conquered Portugal and commanded her empire as of 1580.

   Portugal's second overseas empire began with Spanish domination and ran to 1822, when Brazil won her independence from Portugal. This phase was characterized largely by Brazilian dominance of imperial commitment, wealth in minerals and other raw materials from Brazil, and the loss of a significant portion of her African and Asian coastal empire to Holland and Great Britain. A sketch of Portugal's imperial losses either to native rebellions or to imperial rivals like Britain and Holland follows:

   • Morocco (North Africa) (sample only)

   Arzila—Taken in 1471; evacuated in 1550s; lost to Spain in 1580, which returned city to a sultan.

   Ceuta—Taken in 1415; lost to Spain in 1640 (loss confirmed in 1668 treaty with Spain).

   • Tangiers—Taken in 15th century; handed over to England in 1661 as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry to King Charles II.

   • West Africa

   • Fort/Castle of São Jorge da Mina, Gold Coast (in what is now Ghana)—Taken in 1480s; lost to Holland in 1630s.

   • Middle East

   Socotra-isle—Conquered in 1507; fort abandoned in 1511; used as water resupply stop for India fleet.

   Muscat—Conquered in 1501; lost to Persians in 1650.

   Ormuz—Taken, 1505-15 under Albuquerque; lost to England, which gave it to Persia in the 17th century.

   Aden (entry to Red Sea) — Unsuccessfully attacked by Portugal (1513-30); taken by Turks in 1538.

   • India

   • Ceylon (Sri Lanka)—Taken by 1516; lost to Dutch after 1600.

   • Bombay—Taken in 16th century; given to England in 1661 treaty as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry for Charles II.

   • East Indies

   • Moluccas—Taken by 1520; possession confirmed in 1529 Saragossa treaty with Spain; lost to Dutch after 1600; only East Timor remaining.

   After the restoration of Portuguese independence from Spain in 1640, Portugal proceeded to revive and strengthen the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, with international aid to fight off further Spanish threats to Portugal and drive the Dutch invaders out of Brazil and Angola. While Portugal lost its foothold in West Africa at Mina to the Dutch, dominion in Angola was consolidated. The most vital part of the imperial economy was a triangular trade: slaves from West Africa and from the coasts of Congo and Angola were shipped to plantations in Brazil; raw materials (sugar, tobacco, gold, diamonds, dyes) were sent to Lisbon; Lisbon shipped Brazil colonists and hardware. Part of Portugal's War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68) and its reclaiming of Brazil and Angola from Dutch intrusions was financed by the New Christians (Jews converted to Christianity after the 1496 Manueline order of expulsion of Jews) who lived in Portugal, Holland and other low countries, France, and Brazil. If the first empire was mainly an African coastal and Asian empire, the second empire was primarily a Brazilian empire.

   Portugal's third overseas empire began upon the traumatic independence of Brazil, the keystone of the Lusitanian enterprise, in 1822. The loss of Brazil greatly weakened Portugal both as a European power and as an imperial state, for the scattered remainder of largely coastal, poor, and uncolonized territories that stretched from the bulge of West Africa to East Timor in the East Indies and Macau in south China were more of a financial liability than an asset. Only two small territories balanced their budgets occasionally or made profits: the cocoa islands of São Tomé and Príncipe in the Gulf of Guinea and tiny Macau, which lost much of its advantage as an entrepot between the West and the East when the British annexed neighboring Hong Kong in 1842. The others were largely burdens on the treasury. The African colonies were strapped by a chronic economic problem: at a time when the slave trade and then slavery were being abolished under pressures from Britain and other Western powers, the economies of Guinea- Bissau, São Tomé/Príncipe, Angola, and Mozambique were totally dependent on revenues from the slave trade and slavery. During the course of the 19th century, Lisbon began a program to reform colonial administration in a newly rejuvenated African empire, where most of the imperial efforts were expended, by means of replacing the slave trade and slavery, with legitimate economic activities.

   Portugal participated in its own early version of the "Scramble" for Africa's interior during 1850-69, but discovered that the costs of imperial expansion were too high to allow effective occupation of the hinterlands. After 1875, Portugal participated in the international "Scramble for Africa" and consolidated its holdings in west and southern Africa, despite the failure of the contra-costa (to the opposite coast) plan, which sought to link up the interiors of Angola and Mozambique with a corridor in central Africa. Portugal's expansion into what is now Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (eastern section) in 1885-90 was thwarted by its oldest ally, Britain, under pressure from interest groups in South Africa, Scotland, and England. All things considered, Portugal's colonizing resources and energies were overwhelmed by the African empire it possessed after the frontier-marking treaties of 1891-1906. Lisbon could barely administer the massive area of five African colonies, whose total area comprised about 8 percent of the area of the colossal continent. The African territories alone were many times the size of tiny Portugal and, as of 1914, Portugal was the third colonial power in terms of size of area possessed in the world.

   The politics of Portugal's empire were deceptive. Lisbon remained obsessed with the fear that rival colonial powers, especially Germany and Britain, would undermine and then dismantle her African empire. This fear endured well into World War II. In developing and keeping her potentially rich African territories (especially mineral-rich Angola and strategically located Mozambique), however, the race against time was with herself and her subject peoples. Two major problems, both chronic, prevented Portugal from effective colonization (i.e., settling) and development of her African empire: the economic weakness and underdevelopment of the mother country and the fact that the bulk of Portuguese emigration after 1822 went to Brazil, Venezuela, the United States, and France, not to the colonies. These factors made it difficult to consolidate imperial control until it was too late; that is, until local African nationalist movements had organized and taken the field in insurgency wars that began in three of the colonies during the years 1961-64.

   Portugal's belated effort to revitalize control and to develop, in the truest sense of the word, Angola and Mozambique after 1961 had to be set against contemporary events in Europe, Africa, and Asia. While Portugal held on to a backward empire, other European countries like Britain, France, and Belgium were rapidly decolonizing their empires. Portugal's failure or unwillingness to divert the large streams of emigrants to her empire after 1850 remained a constant factor in this question. Prophetic were the words of the 19th-century economist Joaquim Oliveira Martins, who wrote in 1880 that Brazil was a better colony for Portugal than Africa and that the best colony of all would have been Portugal itself. As of the day of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which sparked the final process of decolonization of the remainder of Portugal's third overseas empire, the results of the colonization program could be seen to be modest compared to the numbers of Portuguese emigrants outside the empire. Moreover, within a year, of some 600,000 Portuguese residing permanently in Angola and Mozambique, all but a few thousand had fled to South Africa or returned to Portugal.

   In 1974 and 1975, most of the Portuguese empire was decolonized or, in the case of East Timor, invaded and annexed by a foreign power before it could consolidate its independence. Only historic Macau, scheduled for transfer to the People's Republic of China in 1999, remained nominally under Portuguese control as a kind of footnote to imperial history. If Portugal now lacked a conventional overseas empire and was occupied with the challenges of integration in the European Union (EU), Lisbon retained another sort of informal dependency that was a new kind of empire: the empire of her scattered overseas Portuguese communities from North America to South America. Their numbers were at least six times greater than that of the last settlers of the third empire.

    See also Luso-Tropicalism; Rose-colored map; Ultimatum, English.

Historical dictionary of Portugal > Empire, Portuguese overseas
15 Psychoanalysis

   1) The Ego Is Not Even Master in Its Own House

   [Psychoanalysis] seeks to prove to the ego that it is not even master in its own house, but must content itself with scanty information of what is going on unconsciously in the mind. (Freud, 1953-1974, Vol. 16, pp. 284-285)

   2) Methodological Problems of Psychoanalysis

   Although in the interview the analyst is supposedly a "passive" auditor of the "free association" narration by the subject, in point of fact the analyst does direct the course of the narrative. This by itself does not necessarily impair the evidential worth of the outcome, for even in the most meticulously conducted laboratory experiment the experimenter intervenes to obtain the data he is after. There is nevertheless the difficulty that in the nature of the case the full extent of the analyst's intervention is not a matter that is open to public scrutiny, so that by and large one has only his own testimony as to what transpires in the consulting room. It is perhaps unnecessary to say that this is not a question about the personal integrity of psychoanalytic practitioners. The point is the fundamental one that no matter how firmly we may resolve to make explicit our biases, no human being is aware of all of them, and that objectivity in science is achieved through the criticism of publicly accessible material by a community of independent inquirers.... Moreover, unless data are obtained under carefully standardized circumstances, or under different circumstances whose dependence on known variables is nevertheless established, even an extensive collection of data is an unreliable basis for inference. To be sure, analysts apparently do attempt to institute standard conditions for the conduct of interviews. But there is not much information available on the extent to which the standardization is actually enforced, or whether it relates to more than what may be superficial matters. (E. Nagel, 1959, pp. 49-50)

   3) No Necessary Incompatibility between Psychoanalysis and Certain Religious Formulations

   here would seem to be no necessary incompatibility between psychoanalysis and those religious formulations which locate God within the self. One could, indeed, argue that Freud's Id (and even more Groddeck's It), the impersonal force within which is both the core of oneself and yet not oneself, and from which in illness one become[s] alienated, is a secular formation of the insight which makes religious people believe in an immanent God. (Ryecroft, 1966, p. 22)

   4) The Problem of Verifying Psychoanalytic Theory

   Freudian analysts emphasized that their theories were constantly verified by their "clinical observations."... It was precisely this fact-that they always fitted, that they were always confirmed-which in the eyes of their admirers constituted the strongest argument in favour of these theories. It began to dawn on me that this apparent strength was in fact their weakness.... It is easy to obtain confirmations or verifications, for nearly every theory-if we look for confirmation. (Popper, 1968, pp. 3435)

   5) Psychoanalysis Is Not a Science But Rather the Interpretation of a Narrated History

   Psychoanalysis does not satisfy the standards of the sciences of observation, and the "facts" it deals with are not verifiable by multiple, independent observers.... There are no "facts" nor any observation of "facts" in psychoanalysis but rather the interpretation of a narrated history. (Ricoeur, 1974, p. 186)

   6) Some of the Qualities of a Scientific Approach Are Possessed by Psychoanalysis

   In sum: psychoanalysis is not a science, but it shares some of the qualities associated with a scientific approach-the search for truth, understanding, honesty, openness to the import of the observation and evidence, and a skeptical stance toward authority. (Breger, 1981, p. 50)

   7) Major Attributes of Psychoanalysis

   [Attributes of Psychoanalysis:]

   1. Psychic Determinism. No item in mental life and in conduct and behavior is "accidental"; it is the outcome of antecedent conditions.

   2. Much mental activity and behavior is purposive or goal-directed in character.

   3. Much of mental activity and behavior, and its determinants, is unconscious in character. 4. The early experience of the individual, as a child, is very potent, and tends to be pre-potent over later experience. (Farrell, 1981, p. 25)

   8) The Scientific and Rational Are Not Co- extensive

   Our sceptic may be unwise enough... to maintain that, because analytic theory is unscientific on his criterion, it is not worth discussing. This step is unwise, because it presupposes that, if a study is not scientific on his criterion, it is not a rational enterprise... an elementary and egregious mistake. The scientific and the rational are not co-extensive. Scientific work is only one form that rational inquiry can take: there are many others. (Farrell, 1981, p. 46)

   9) The Validity of Psychoanalytic Therapy

   Psychoanalysts have tended to write as though the term analysis spoke for itself, as if the statement "analysis revealed" or "it was analyzed as" preceding a clinical assertion was sufficient to establish the validity of what was being reported. An outsider might easily get the impression from reading the psychoanalytic literature that some standardized, generally accepted procedure existed for both inference and evidence. Instead, exactly the opposite has been true. Clinical material in the hands of one analyst can lead to totally different "findings" in the hands of another. (Peterfreund, 1986, p. 128)

    10) The Issues of Inference and Evidence in Psychoanalysis

   The analytic process-the means by which we arrive at psychoanalytic understanding-has been largely neglected and is poorly understood, and there has been comparatively little interest in the issues of inference and evidence. Indeed, psychoanalysts as a group have not recognized the importance of being bound by scientific constraints. They do not seem to understand that a possibility is only that-a possibility-and that innumerable ways may exist to explain the same data. Psychoanalysts all too often do not seem to distinguish hypotheses from facts, nor do they seem to understand that hypotheses must be tested in some way, that criteria for evidence must exist, and that any given test for any hypothesis must allow for the full range of substantiation/refutation. (Peterfreund, 1986, p. 129)

Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Psychoanalysis
16 so

Ⅰ.

so¹ [səʊ]

si ⇒ 1 (a), 1 (b) tellement ⇒ 1 (a) tant ⇒ 1 (a) aussi ⇒ 1 (b), 1 (e) ainsi ⇒ 1 (f) donc ⇒ 2 (a) alors ⇒ 2 (a), 2 (d)-(f) pour que ⇒ 2 (b), 4 de même ⇒ 2 (c) environ ⇒ 3 pour ⇒ 5

1 adverb

(a) (to such an extent → before adjective or adverb) si, tellement; (→ with verb) tellement;

∎ it's so easy c'est si ou tellement facile;

∎ I'm so glad to see you ça me fait tellement plaisir ou je suis si content de te voir;

∎ he can be so irritating at times il est tellement énervant par moments;

∎ she makes me so angry elle a le don de me mettre en colère;

∎ I've never been so surprised in all my life jamais de ma vie je n'avais eu une surprise pareille ou une telle surprise;

∎ I have never seen so beautiful a sight je n'ai jamais rien vu d'aussi beau;

∎ she was so shocked (that) she couldn't speak elle était tellement choquée qu'elle ne pouvait pas parler;

∎ the problem was so complex (that) it baffled even the experts le problème était si ou tellement complexe que même les experts ne comprenaient pas;

∎ his handwriting's so bad (that) it's illegible il écrit si mal que c'est impossible à lire;

∎ he's so rich that he doesn't know what he's worth il est riche au point d'ignorer le montant de sa fortune;

∎ she so detests him or she detests him so that she won't even speak to him elle le hait au point de refuser ou elle le déteste tellement qu'elle refuse de lui parler;

∎ he was upset, so much so that he cried il était bouleversé, à tel point qu'il en a pleuré;

∎ would you be so kind as to carry my case? auriez-vous l'amabilité ou la gentillesse de porter ma valise?;

∎ is it so very hard to say you're sorry? est-ce si difficile de demander pardon?;

∎ you mustn't worry so il ne faut pas te faire du souci comme ça;

∎ I loved her so (much) je l'aimais tant;

∎ you do exaggerate so! tu exagères tellement!;

∎ we so enjoyed ourselves nous nous sommes tellement amusés;

∎ I wish he wouldn't go on so j'aimerais qu'il arrête de radoter

(b) (in negative comparisons) si, aussi;

∎ I'm not so sure je n'en suis pas si sûr;

∎ it's not so bad, there's only a small stain ça n'est pas si grave que ça, il n'y a qu'une petite tache;

∎ the young and the not so young les jeunes et les moins jeunes;

∎ he's not so handsome as his father/as all that il n'est pas aussi beau que son père/si beau que ça;

∎ he was not so ill (that) he couldn't go out il n'était pas malade au point de ne pas pouvoir sortir;

∎ she wouldn't be so stupid as to do that elle ne serait pas bête au point de faire cela, elle ne serait pas assez bête pour faire cela

(c) (indicating an unspecified size, amount)

∎ the table is about so high/wide la table est haute/large comme ça à peu près;

∎ a little girl so high une petite fille grande comme ça

(d) (referring to previous statement, question, word etc)

∎ I believe/think/suppose so je crois/pense/suppose (que oui);

∎ I don't believe/think so je ne crois/pense pas;

∎ I don't suppose so je suppose que non;

∎ he's clever - do you think so? il est intelligent - vous trouvez?;

∎ I hope so (answering question) j'espère que oui; (agreeing) j'espère bien, je l'espère;

∎ I'm afraid so j'en ai bien peur, je le crains;

∎ who says so? qui dit ça?;

∎ I told you so! je vous l'avais bien dit!;

∎ if so si oui;

∎ how/why so? comment/pourquoi cela?;

∎ perhaps so peut-être bien;

∎ quite so tout à fait, exactement;

∎ so I believe/see c'est ce que je crois/vois;

∎ so I've been told/he said c'est ce qu'on m'a dit/qu'il a dit;

∎ is she really ill? - so it seems elle est donc vraiment malade? - à ce qu'il paraît;

∎ I'm not very organized - so I see! je ne suis pas très organisé - c'est ce que je vois!;

∎ is that so? vraiment?;

∎ that is so c'est vrai, c'est exact;

∎ if that is so si c'est le cas, s'il en est ainsi;

∎ that being so (as this is the case) puisqu'il en est ainsi; (should this prove the case) dans ces conditions;

∎ isn't that Jane over there? - why, so it is! ce ne serait pas Jane là-bas? - mais si (c'est elle)!;

∎ he was told to leave the room and did so immediately on lui a ordonné de quitter la pièce et il l'a fait immédiatement;

∎ she was furious and understandably/and justifiably so elle était furieuse et ça se comprend/et c'est normal;

∎ the same only more so tout autant sinon plus;

∎ he's very sorry - so he should be! il est désolé - c'est la moindre des choses ou j'espère bien!;

∎ he thinks he can do it - so he can il pense qu'il peut le faire - en effet il le peut;

∎ so help me God! que Dieu me vienne en aide!;

∎ archaic or humorous so be it! soit!, qu'il en soit ainsi!;

∎ familiar I can so! si, je peux!^□ ;

∎ familiar I didn't say that! - you did so! je n'ai pas dit ça! - si, tu l'as dit!^□

(e) (likewise) aussi;

∎ I had brought food, and so had they j'avais apporté de quoi manger et eux aussi;

∎ we arrived early and so did he nous sommes arrivés tôt et lui aussi;

∎ if he can do it, then so can I s'il peut le faire, alors moi aussi;

∎ my shoes are Italian and so is my shirt mes chaussures sont italiennes et ma chemise aussi

(f) (like this, in such a way) ainsi;

∎ hold the pen (like) so tenez le stylo ainsi ou comme ceci;

∎ any product so labelled is guaranteed lead-free tous les produits portant cette étiquette sont garantis sans plomb;

∎ the laptop computer is so called because… l'ordinateur lap-top tient son nom de…;

∎ the helmet is so constructed as to absorb most of the impact le casque est conçu de façon à amortir le choc;

∎ it (just) so happens that… il se trouve (justement) que… + indicative;

∎ she likes everything (to be) just so elle aime que tout soit parfait;

∎ it has to be positioned just so or it won't go in il faut le mettre comme ça sinon ça n'entre pas

2 conjunction

(a) (therefore) donc, alors;

∎ the door was open, so I went in la porte était ouverte, alors je suis entré;

∎ she has a bad temper, so be careful elle a mauvais caractère, donc faites attention

(b) (indicating purpose) pour que + subjunctive, afin que + subjunctive;

∎ give me some money so I can buy some sweets donne-moi de l'argent pour que je puisse acheter des bonbons

(c) (in the same way) de même;

∎ as 3 is to 6, so 6 is to 12 le rapport entre 6 et 12 est le même qu'entre 3 et 6;

∎ as he has lived so will he die il mourra comme il a vécu

(d) (introductory remark)

∎ so then she left alors elle est partie;

∎ and so to bed! et maintenant au lit!;

∎ and so we come to the next question et maintenant nous en venons à la question suivante;

∎ so what's the problem? alors, qu'est-ce qui ne va pas?;

∎ so we can't go after all donc nous ne pouvons plus y aller;

∎ so, what do we do? eh bien, qu'est-ce qu'on fait?

(e) (in exclamations) alors;

∎ so you're Anna's brother! alors (comme ça) vous êtes le frère d'Anna?;

∎ so that's why she didn't phone! alors c'est pour ça qu'elle n'a pas téléphoné!;

∎ so there you are! vous voilà donc!;

∎ so publish it! eh bien ou alors allez-y, publiez-le!;

∎ esp American so long! au revoir!

(f) (introducing a concession) et alors;

∎ so I'm late, who cares? je suis en retard, et alors, qu'est-ce que ça peut faire?;

∎ so it costs a lot of money, we can afford it ça coûte cher, et alors? on peut se le permettre;

∎ so? et alors?, et après?;

∎ he'll be angry - so what? il va se fâcher! - qu'est-ce que ça peut (me) faire ou et alors?;

∎ so what if she does find out? qu'est-ce que ça peut faire si elle s'en rend compte?

3 or so adverb

environ, à peu près;

∎ it costs £5 or so ça coûte environ 5 livres;

∎ there were thirty or so people il y avait trente personnes environ ou à peu près, il y avait une trentaine de personnes

4 so as conjunction

familiar pour que^□ + subjunctive, afin que^□ + subjunctive;

∎ give me some money so as I can buy some sweets donne-moi de l'argent pour que je puisse acheter des bonbons

5 so as to conjunction

pour, afin de;

∎ she went to bed early so as not to be tired next day elle s'est couchée tôt afin de ou pour ne pas être fatiguée le lendemain

6 so that conjunction

(a) (in order that) pour que + subjunctive, afin que + subjunctive;

∎ they tied him up so that he couldn't escape ils l'ont attaché afin qu'il ou pour qu'il ne s'échappe pas;

∎ I took a taxi so that I wouldn't be late j'ai pris un taxi pour ou afin de ne pas être en retard

(b) (with the result that) si bien que + indicative, de façon à ce que + subjunctive;

∎ she didn't eat enough, so that in the end she fell ill elle ne mangeait pas assez, de telle sorte ou si bien qu'elle a fini par tomber malade;

∎ the crates had fallen over so that we couldn't get past comme les caisses étaient tombées, nous n'avons pas pu passer

7 so to speak, so to say adverb

pour ainsi dire

Ⅱ.

so²

noun

Music sol m inv

Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > so
17 some

[sʌm, s^əm] adj

inv

1) ( unknown amount)

there's \some cake in the kitchen if you'd like it es ist noch Kuchen in der Küche, wenn du welchen möchtest;

here's \some news you might be interested in ich habe Neuigkeiten, die dich interessieren könnten;

I made \some money running errands ich habe mit Gelegenheitsjobs etwas Geld verdient;

he played \some records for me er spielte mir Platten vor;

\some more sth noch etw;

I've got to do \some more work before I can go out ich muss noch etwas arbeiten, bevor ich ausgehen kann

2) ( general) irgendein(e, er);

could you give me \some idea of when the building work will finish? können Sie mir ungefähr sagen, wann die Bauarbeiten abgeschlossen sein werden?;

clearly the treatment has had \some effect sicher hatte die Behandlung irgendeine Wirkung;

to \some extent bis zu einem gewissen Grad

3) (a, an) ein, eine, einer;

there must be \some mistake da muss ein Fehler vorliegen;

\some idiot's locked the door irgendein Idiot hat die Tür verschlossen;

\some kind of sth irgendein(e, er);

he's in \some kind of trouble es gibt irgendein Problem;

\some sth or [an]other ( one of several or many) irgendein(e, er);

\some day or another we'll meet again irgendwann werden wir uns wiedersehen

4) (considerable amount, number) beträchtlich;

he went to \some trouble er gab sich beträchtliche Mühe;

it was \some years later when they next met sie trafen sich erst viele Jahre später wieder;

we discussed the problem at \some length wir diskutierten das Problem ausgiebig;

I've known you for \some years now ich kenne dich nun schon seit geraumer Zeit

5) ( a small amount) etwas;

he liked \some music but generally wasn't musical ihm gefielen ein paar Musikstücke, aber generell war er nicht musikalisch

6) (fam: intensifies noun) ziemlich;

that was \some meal! das war vielleicht ein Essen!;

that was \some goal das war ein großes Ziel

7) ( showing annoyance)

\some mother she turned out to be sie ist eine richtige Rabenmutter;

\some people just don't know when to shut up manche Menschen wissen einfach nicht, wann sie ruhig sein sollen;

\some hotel that turned out to be - it was dreadful das war vielleicht ein Hotel - es war schrecklich;

\some chance [of that]! tolle Aussichten!;

\some chance! we have about one chance in a hundred of getting away tolle Aussichten! die Chancen stehen eins zu hundert, dass wir davonkommen;

\some hopes! (that's unlikely!) sehr unwahrscheinlich!;

perhaps there'll be some left for us - \some hopes! vielleicht bleibt was für uns übrig - sehr unwahrscheinlich! pron

1) + pl vb ( unspecified number of persons or things) welche;

we're looking for road signs to the Smoky Mountains - if you see \some, let me know wir suchen Schilder zu den Smoky Mountains - wenn du welche siehst, sag es mir;

I'm looking to buy old jazz records - if you know of \some, please tell me ich möchte alte Jazzplatten kaufen - wenn du weißt, wo es welche gibt, sag's mir;

\some have compared his work to Picasso's manche haben sein Werk mit Picasso verglichen; + sing vb ( unspecified amount of sth) welche(r, s);

if you want whisky I'll give you \some wenn du Whisky möchtest, gebe ich dir welchen;

if you need more paper then just take \some wenn du mehr Papier brauchst, nimm es dir einfach

2) + pl vb ( at least a small number) einige;

surely \some have noticed sicher haben es einige bemerkt

3) + pl vb ( proportionate number) ein paar;

no, I don't want all the green beans - \some are enough nein, ich möchte nicht alle grünen Bohnen - ein paar sind genug;

here are \some of your suggestions hier sind einige deiner Vorschläge;

\some of you have already met Imran einige von euch kennen Imran bereits;

\some of... einige der...

4) + sing vb ( proportionate number) ein bisschen;

no, I don't want all the mashed potatoes - \some is enough nein, ich möchte nicht das ganze Püree - ein bisschen ist genug;

have \some of this champagne - it's very good trink ein wenig Champagner - er ist sehr gut;

\some of the prettiest landscape in Germany is found in... eine der schönsten Landschaften Deutschlands liegt...

PHRASES:

and then \some ( fam) mehr als;

we got our money's worth and then \some wir bekamen mehr als unser Geld wert war adv

inv

1) ( roughly) ungefähr, in etwa;

\some twenty or thirty metres deep/ high ungefähr zwanzig oder dreißig Meter tief/hoch;

\some thirty different languages are spoken etwa dreißig verschiedene Sprachen werden gesprochen

2) (Am) (fam: a little) etwas, ein bisschen;

I'm feeling \some better ich fühle mich [wieder] etwas besser;

we could turn the heat down \some wir könnten die Heizung etwas herunterstellen

3) (Am) (fam: a lot) viel;

he sure does talk \some, your brother dein Bruder spricht wirklich viel;

he needs feeding up \some er muss ganz schön aufgepäppelt werden

4) ( fast) schnell;

we were really going \some when we got out of the city wir fuhren wirklich schnell, als wir die Stadt hinter uns gelassen hatten

PHRASES:

\some little;

we are going to be working together for \some little time yet wir werden ziemlich viel zusammenarbeiten müssen

English-German students dictionary > some
18 Insight

   1) The Catalyst to Darwin's Discovery of the Principle of Natural Selection

   In October 1838 that is, fifteen months after I had begun my systematic enquiry, I happened to read for amusement "Malthus on Population," and being well prepared to appreciate the struggle for existence which everywhere goes on from long-continued observation of the habits of animals and plants, it at once struck me that under these circumstances favorable variations would tend to be preserved, and unfavorable ones to be destroyed. (Darwin, 1911, p. 68)

   2) Insight in the Chimpanzee

   The insight of the chimpanzee shows itself to be principally determined by his optical apprehension of the situation. (KoЁhler, 1925, p. 267)

   3) Brevity, Suddenness and Immediate Certainty

   Then I turned my attention to the study of some arithmetical questions apparently without much success and without a suspicion of any connection with my preceding researches. Disgusted with my failure, I went to spend a few days at the seaside, and thought of something else. One morning, walking on the bluff, the idea came to me, with just the same characteristics of brevity, suddenness and immediate certainty, that the arithmetic transformations of indeterminate ternary quadratic forms were identical with those of non-Euclidean geometry. (Poincareґ, 1929, p. 388)

   4) Insight Is Not a Mysterious Mental Agent

   The direct awareness of determination... may also be called insight. When I once used this expression in a description of the intelligent behavior of apes, an unfortunate misunderstanding was, it seems, not entirely prevented.... Apparently, some readers interpreted this formulation as though it referred to a mysterious mental agent or faculty which was made responsible for the apes' behavior. Actually, nothing of this sort was intended... the concept is used in a strictly descriptive fashion. (KoЁhler, 1947, pp. 341-342)

   5) Insight in Animal Problem- Solving

   The task must be neither so easy that the animal solves the problem at once, thus not allowing one to analyze the solution; nor so hard that the animal fails to solve it except by rote learning in a long series of trials. With a problem of such borderline difficulty, the solution may appear out of a blue sky. There is a period first of fruitless effort in one direction, or perhaps a series of attempted solutions. Then suddenly there is a complete change in the direction of effort, and a cleancut solution of the task. This then is the first criterion of the occurrence of insight. The behavior cannot be described as a gradual accretion of learning; it is evident that something has happened in the animal at the moment of solution. (What happens is another matter.) (Hebb, 1949, p. 160)

   6) An Explanation of Sudden Insight

   If the subject had not spontaneously solved the problem [of how to catch hold at the same time of two strings hung from the ceiling so wide apart that he or she could only get hold of one at a time, when the only available tool was a pair of pliers, by tying the pliers to one string and setting it into pendular motion] within ten minutes, Maier supplied him with a hint; he would "accidentally" brush against one of the strings, causing it to swing gently. Of those who solved the problem after this hint, the average interval between hint and solution was only forty-two seconds.... Most of those subjects who solved the problem immediately after the hint did so without any realization that they had been given one. The "idea" of making a pendulum with pliers seemed to arise spontaneously. (Osgood, 1960, p. 633)

   7) Flashes of Insight Do Not Explain Problem- Solving

   There seems to be very little reason to believe that solutions to novel problems come about in ﬂashes of insight, independently of past experience.... People create solutions to new problems by starting with what they know and later modifying it to meet the specific problem at hand. (Weisberg, 1986, p. 50)

Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Insight
19 Vicente, Gil

(ca. 1465-ca. 1537)

   Sixteenth-century Portuguese playwright, perhaps Portugal's greatest, who was also a talented goldsmith, musician, actor, and dramatist. Born in humble circumstances, Gil Vicente rose to become an important figure, recognized and celebrated in the royal court of his day. His first play or auto was performed in 1502, and his last piece was produced in 1536. Vicente's work was influenced not only by the religious plays of late medieval Portugal, but by work from contemporary humanism and the Renaissance.

   There were at least four basic aspects of Vicentine plays: dramatization of rural folklore, social satire, imaginative analysis of nature, and religious themes. What was remarkable about Vicente, in addition to his great versatility (he was the goldsmith who produced the gold monstrance in the Monastery of Jerônimos) and brilliance, was that he was popular with both the people and the elite, and was a masterful dramatist in a country lacking extraordinary dramatic traditions. Some of his plays were censored by the Inquisition after his death, and it was only during the 19th-century romantic era that Portuguese writers sought a revival of his reputation.

    See also Jerónimos, Monastery of, Theater.

Historical dictionary of Portugal > Vicente, Gil
20 Whinfield, John Rex

SUBJECT AREA: Chemical technology, Synthetic materials

[br]

b. 16 February 1901 Sutton, Surrey, England

d. 6 July 1955 Dorking, Surrey, England

[br]

English inventor ofTerylene.

[br]

Whinfield was educated at Merchant Taylors' School and Caius College, Cambridge, where he studied chemistry. Before embarking on his career as a research chemist, he worked as an un-paid assistant to the chemist C.F. Cross, who had taken part in the discovery of rayon. Whinfield then joined the Calico Printers' Association. There his interest was aroused by the discovery of nylon by W.H. Carothers to seek other polymers which could be produced in fibre form, usable by the textile industries. With his colleague J.T. Dickson, he discovered in 1941 that a polymerized condensate of terephthalic acid and ethylene glycol, polyethylene terephthgal-late, could be drawn into strong fibres. Whinfield and Dickson filed a patent application in the same year, but due to war conditions it was not published until 1946. The Ministry of Supply considered that the new material might have military applications and undertook further research and development. Its industrial and textile possibilities were evaluated by Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI) in 1943 and "Terylene", as it came to be called, was soon recognized as being as important as nylon.

In 1946, Dupont acquired rights to work the Calico Printers' Association patent in the USA and began large-scale manufacture in 1954, marketing the product under the name "Dacron". Meanwhile ICI purchased world rights except for the USA and reached the large-scale manufacture stage in 1955. A new branch of the textile industry has grown up from Whinfield's discovery: he lived to see most people in the western world wearing something made of Terylene. It was one of the major inventions of the twentieth century, yet Whinfield, perhaps because he published little, received scant recognition, apart from the CBE in 1954.

[br]

Principal Honours and Distinctions

CBE 1954.

Further Reading

Obituary, 1966, The Times (7 July).

Obituary, 1967, Chemistry in Britain 3:26.

J.Jewkes, D.Sawers and R.Stillerman, 1969, The Sources of Invention, 2nd edn, London: Macmillan.

LRD

Biographical history of technology > Whinfield, John Rex

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